Sigfred, Arminius and Other Papers
Page 4
Various
kinds of suits there were, but the mode of procedure was probably the
same in all. This part of the subject is necessarily obscure to us, and
it is not likely that, when with all the help of the whole Corpus Iuris
the actual procedure of Justinian's day is by no means clear to us, these
Lays should give much information. Plaintiff and defendant are said, 'deila
sacar,' a phrase which shows that the best description of the primitive
Teutonic law-suit would be a feud in court.
Of phrases denoting legis
actiones: first is 'cueðja,' to summons, or better, to call on the defendant
to perform some act in law (whence the term 'cuöð,' a duty or demand or
summons, is in later law derived). The word 'cuiðr' which stands for verdict,
legal declaration, is of high importance, for it implies a 'quest' or
'recognitio' by sworn witnesses in our later authorities; and there is
nothing to forbid the theory that even as early as these poems some jury
of inquest was established in the North. The age of the poem, the Old
Play of the Wolsungs, and the truly archaic form of the term 'heimis-quiðr'
occurring in it, is a strong though isolated piece of evidence to this
effect.
Of any jury of presentment
or the like, if such there were, nought remains to tell.
A court must be full to
give judgment. W. Pl. 241.
To deny is 'synja'; to
acknowledge an act 'lýsa'; to set up a false plea 'dylja'; to upset a
decision or an adversary's claim 'quiðja,' Lat. 'ueto.'
The strict observance
of time in archaic law is noted here also, the man who missed his day
was treated as a wilful defaulter, 'þing-logi.'
The plea or declaration
or doom of the judge is 'orð,' which stands for any 'legis uerbum,' cf.
'ban-orð,' etc.
To decide a point of law
is 'leggia lög,' to lay down the law, as we have it still in familiar
speech.
Of a suit for weregild
the old summons is given ---
cuöddo
sídan Sigmundar bur
auðs
oc hringa Hundings synir,
þui
at þeir átto iöfri at gialda
fiár-nám
micit oc föðor dauða.
Létad
buðlungr bótir uppi
né
niðja in heldr nef-giöld fá. Helg. I. 41-46.
Other passages dealing
with procedure in court are ---
Uágom
or scógi þannz wildom sycnan:
comta-þu
af þuí þingi ......
at
þú söc sœttir ne slœcðir aðra,
uildir
aualt uægja enn uætci halda.
cyrt
um þuí láta. Atlam. 365-9.
enn
slícs scylde synja aldri
maðr
fyr annan þar es munoð deilir. Oddr. 88-9.
cann-ec
slícs synja. Atlam. 247, see also Ord. 28.
feginn
ertu, Atli, ferr þu uíg lýsa. Atlam. 243.
dylja
mun þic eigi dóttir G ...... Atlam. 328.
ne
þeir dyljendr ugdo. Akv. 5. cor.
duleð
ertu Hyndla. Hyndl. 24 and Rimeg. 32.
queðcat-ec
dul. Yng. 35.
síðla
ec com snemma ec callaði
til
dómualdz dura
þing-logi
......... ec heitinn warc. Ch. W. 118-9. cor.
Urðar-orði
cuiðjar engi maðr. Swip. 237.
era
þat hœft at heyrom scyli
cuiðja
Fáfnir fiár. W. Pl. 39-40. n. cor.
cf.
þær lög lögðo. Vsp. 51-2.
The person upon whom the
burden of proof fell, must prove his innocence according to the prescribed
method, and as in other Teutonic law systems, the oath seems to have played
a great part here. With its forms we deal later on.
But the ordeal and the
judgment of battle was enjoined in some cases, though we do not know the
details. The old poet advises the suitor or defendant to appeal to the
sword rather than run the risk of having foul charges brought against
one, and expresses a doubtless well-founded distrust of the verdict of
a jury of inquest ---
Ef
þu sacar deilir
uið
heimsca hali
berjasc
es betra en bregðasc sé
illom
orð-stöfom. W. Pl. 291-4.
The ordeal described is
one in which a woman is accused of adultery and offers to purge herself,
the ordeal proving her innocent, her accuser (also a woman) is put to
the same proof and fails. The oath as in later times is taken before the
ordeal. The lady has the right of denying the charge by champion, but
has no champion to bring forward. The ordeal is public.
Þer
munec allz þess eiða uinna,
at
inom huíta helga steini
at
ec uið Þióðmars son þattci áttac
es
uörð ne uerr uinna cnátti. Ord. 9-12.
suerði
mundi Högni slícs harms reca,
nú
uerðec sialf fyr mic synja lýta. Ord. 27-8.
sentu
at Saxa Sunn-manna gram
hann
cann helga huer uellanda. Ord. 21-2.
siau
hundrod seggja í sal gengo
áðr
cuán conungs i cetil tœci. Ord. 23-4.
brá
hón til botz biörtom lófa
oc
hón upp um tóc iarcna-steina
'Se
nú, seggir, sycn em ec ordin
heilagliga,
hue siá huerr uelli.' Ord. 29-32.
Sá-at
maðr armlict huerr es þat sáat
hue
þar á H ...... (the accuser) hendr suiðnoðo. Ord. 37-38.
Of another early legis
actio, wager of battle, or 'duellum,' a late example only occurs, resembling
cases given in Landnáma-bóc,
á
holm þeir gengo fyr ið horsca uíf
oc
fengo báðir bana. Ch. W. 59-60.
the place of fight, a holm or eyre, where the combatants are in view,
but cut off from interference; this passage also gives the usual term
between summons and trial ---
mer
hefir stillir ...... stefnt til eyrar
þriggia
nátta scylac til þings coma. Helg. II. 56.
The lines in Havamal,
'ef ec skal til orrosto leiða lang-uini,' may possibly refer to the wager
or ordeal by battle. The words for fixing and calling a moot and a battle
are the same, 'heyja' or 'leggia' or 'stefna til'; both meetings are to
decide moot questions. Even the ordinary pitched battle between hosts
is regarded as a legal mode of decision, as the phrases 'ual-stefna,'
'hior-stefna,' 'hior-thing,' 'brímis dómar,' cf. Helg. I. 76, 49, 216,
147, 207, and the 'bryn-thing' of the W. W. L. 85, would show. Cf. C.
P. B. ii. 483, and the fine article on the Wager of Battle in the Chansons
de Geste in Z. f. Rom. Phil. 1885, by M. Pfeffer.
The classification of
wounds is necessary in early systems of law where compensation must be
adjusted according to it. The deadly wound or mortal wound is 'ben,' used
chiefly in the plural 'benjar.' The verb 'benja' is once used.
scal
engi maðr angr-lióð kueða
þótt
mer á briósti benjar líti. Helg. II. 341-2.
kendi
brátt benja, bandz quað hann þörf œnga. Atlam. 325.
bróðor
mínn hefir þu benjaðan. W. Pl. 158.
'Und' is a wound that can be healed, and 'sár,' sore, usually a cut wound.
sæir
brœðr þínom blódokt sár,
undir
dreyrgar knættir yfir binda. L. B. L. 129-30.
With this branch of the
subject that of punishment is closely connected. Tacitus, who notices
the division of crimes among the early Teutons, speaks of flagrant crimes
being exposed by hanging the culprit, disgusting ones hidden away by drowning
the offender.
But here the reasons he
gives are his own, and they are far too late in sentiment to be true:
the real reason surely is that such criminals, if men, were sent to Wodan,
if women were given to Ran or Hell, the men were sent to the gallows,
the women to the pit or fen. The pit and gallows stood on the west of
the moot-places or the prince's hall ready for use. The execution of such
offenders by sacratio originally was regarded, we suppose, as purging
the nation of any guilt or sin that might be imputed to it for thier offences.
The gallows were horse-shaped,
not of the modern conventional signpost-shape, hence the metaphors of
'riding the gallows,' 'riding to Woden,' and the like.
uargr
hangir fyr uestan dyrr. Grimn. 35.
uarg-tre
uind-cöld uestan bœjar
oc
systor-son sáran á meiði. Hamd. 81-2.
ef
ec sé á tré uppi
uáfa
uirgil-ná. Havam. 96-7.
ec
hécc Vinga-meiði á
geiri
undaðr oc gefinn Óðni. Havam. 9-11.
ella
heðan bíðit meðan ec hœgg yðr galga. Atlam. 134.
The custom of first wounding
the criminal with the spear, marking him to Woden, was evidently observed
at this time, as it occurs in the story of Starkad, C. P. B. i. 467.
The woman's execution,
which Tacitus tells us was also meted out to cowards or unnatural criminals,
who were counted as women, is thus described.
Leiddo
þá mey í mýri fúla:
sua
uarð G ....... sycn sinna harma. Ord. 39-40.
There occurs also notice
of what looks like an archaic form of execution, adopted where the criminal
or foe was slain in revenge, possibly a devotion to the dead man who was
to be revenged --- the bloody eagle marked on the back by the sword, a
process described by later sagas, but clearly without any knowledge of
its original meaning.
nu
es blóðogr örn bitrom hiörui
bana
Sigmundar á baci ristinn. W. W. L. 39-40.
The witch or wizard (as
in later days the heretic) was to be burnt or stoned, nor earth nor water
could receive even the body of such a criminal. To kindle such a fire
is 'slá eldi um': cf. Hyndla Lay, where the witch is threatened with fire,
the appropriate punishment for her peculiar crime.
brend
muntu á báli oc barið grióti ádr. Atlam. 312.
This burning would also
prevent haunting, as the decollation and placing of the severed head at
the thigh of the body prevents it. Cf. Grettis Saga in the Story of Glam.
(6)
The convicted criminal
might be, as in nearly all nations at an early stage, banished or put
out of law, and the same word is used for him as for the convicted and
executed criminal, 'uargr,' the wolf (the wolf's-head of our early law),
the nobler exile 'wræcca' seems to be legally one driven abroad, but not
convicted, as 'flyma' was the mere fugitive. The outlaw lives in the wood,
gaining his living as a bandito, hated and feared and pitied.
ef
þu uærir uargr á uiðom úti. Helg. I. 268.
nacðir
þeir urdo or næmdir huíuetna
oc
runno sem uargar til uiðar. Chr. W. 39-40.
at
uidi wrecasc. G. W. 34.
huí
es þer, stillir, stæcct ór landi? Helg. II. 48.
mic
hefir micil glœpr meiri sóttan. Helg. II. 50.
uágom
or scógi þannz uildom sycnan. Atlam. 360.
Notes:
6. The
latter practice has survived till our own day in Corsica, though, as far
as I could ascertain in the case I know, without any knowledge of its early
meaning. Note the famous case in Glendower's day of the mutilation of slain
Englishmen by the Welsh women. Cf. the article in American Journ. Philol.
1885, on 'Armpitting.' [Back]
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