History of the Langobards
Book 2
Chapter I.
Now when the frequent victories of the Langobards were noised about in every direction, Narses, keeper of the imperial archives, who was then ruling over Italy and preparing for war against Totila, king of the Goths, inasmuch as he long before had the Langobards for allies, directed messengers to Alboin, asking that he should furnish him assistance to fight with the Goths. Then Alboin sent a chosen band of his [1] to give support to the Romans against the Goths. They were transported into Italy by a bay [2] of the Adriatic sea, and having joined the Romans, began the struggle with the Goths, and when these were reduced to utter destruction, together with Totila, their king, the Langobards returned as victors, honored with many gifts, to their own country. [3] During all the time the Langobards held Pannonia, they were the allies of the Roman state against its rivals.
[1] This actually occurred under Audoin, not Alboin (Procopius, B. G., IV, 26). Twenty-five hundred Langobards were chosen and Audoin sent with them a retinue of three thousand other armed men (id.).
[2] The dwellers in the lagoons at the northern extremity of the Adriatic transported the army along the shores, crossing the
mouths of the rivers in small boats (id.).
[3] They were sent to Italy A. D. 554, returned A. D. 552 (Waitz). Their disorderly conduct and the outrages they committed made them dangerous allies, and Narses took an early occasion to send them home (Procopius, B. G., IV, 33).
Chapter II.
In these times Narses also waged war against Duke Buccellinus, whom Theudepert, [1] king of the Franks, when he entered Italy and returned to Gaul, had left behind with Amingus, another duke, to conquer the country. This Buccellinus, after devastating nearly all Italy with rapine, and after bestowing upon Theudepert, his king, abundant gifts from the booty of the country, was arranging to winter in Campania, but was overcome at length in disastrous war by Narses at a place whose name is Tannetum, [2] and was slain. And when Amingus attempted to bring aid to Widin, a count of the Goths rebelling against Narses, both were overcome by Narses. Widin being captured, was banished to Constantinople, but Amingus, who had offered him assistance, perished by the sword of Narses. Also a third duke of the Franks, by name Leutharius, the brother of Buccellinus, when he desired to return to his country laden with great booty, died a natural death between Verona and Tridentum (Trent), near Lake Benacus (Lago di Garda).[3]
[1] Grandson of Clovis, the founder of the Frankish monarchy. Theudepert had invaded Italy in the year 539 (Muratori Ann., Ill, p. 388; Hodgkin, V, p. n), but the dysentery swept away a third of his army, and the clamor of his own subjects, as well as the representations of Belisarius, the general of Justinian, induced him to return home (Gibbon, ch. 41). When he departed from Italy he did not relinquish all he had won. The larger part of Venetia, a good deal of Liguria and the provinces of the Cottian Alps were retained (Hodgkin, V, ll). Theudepert died in 548, leaving as his successor his feeble child Theudebald (p. 13). Five years later (A. D. 533), when the Goths in Italy were overthrown by Narses, those who still held out in the north besought the Frankish king for aid, and Buccellinus (Butilin) and his brother Leutharius, leaders of the barbarous Alamanni, ravaged northern Italy (pp. 16—17), and then swept down toward the south. The armies of the two brothers kept together as far as Samnium, then they divided. Buccellinus ravaged the west coast and Leutharius the east, down to the end of the peninsula (A. D. 554). Finally Leutharius determined to return with his booty, but when he was about to cross the Alps a pestilence broke out in his army and he perished (pp. 33-36). Buccellinus was attacked by Narses near Capua, his army was destroyed and he was slain. This expedition of Buccellinus, therefore, occurred not under Theudepert but after his death.
[2] This battle occurred near Capua, on the banks of the river Casilinum, another name for the Vulturmis (Volturno) (Waitz ; Hodgkin, V, 36-44.) The name Tannetum cannot be positively identified.
[3] He died of the pestilence which had broken out in his army. See previous note.
Chapter III
Narses had also a struggle with Sinduald, king of the Brenti, [1] a surviving descendant of the stock of the Heroli whom Odoacar, when he formerly came into Italy, had brought with him. Upon this man, who at first adhered to him faithfully, Narses conferred many benefits, but defeated him in war, captured him and hung him from a lofty beam, when at last he insolently rebelled and sought to obtain the sovereignty. [2] At this time also Narses, the patrician, by means of Dagisteus, the Master of Soldiers, a powerful and warlike man, got possession of all the territories of Italy.[3] This Narses indeed was formerly keeper of the archives, [4] and afterwards on account of the value of his high qualities, he earned the honor of the patriciate. For he was a very pious man, a Catholic in religion, generous to the poor, very zealous in restoring churches, and so much devoted to vigils and prayers that he[5] obtained victory more by the supplications which he poured forth to God, than by the arms of war.
[1] Perhaps the same as those called Breones or Briones, dwelling in the Alps of Noricum or in the neighborhood of the Brenner in Tyrol (Waitz; Abel; see Zeuss, 484).
[2] A. D. 565 (Hodgkin, V, 56).
[3] Narses took the city of Rome largely through the agency of Dagisteus (Procopius, IV, 33), who thus became the means of the recovery of Italy (Waitz). The title " Master of Soldiers," (magister militum,) was given at the time of Constantine to important ministers of state, and there were then only eight of these in the whole empire (Hodgkin, VI, 539); in the time of Theoderic, the king alone (Hartmann, I, 99), and later, Belisarius, the general-in-chief of Justinian, held this important military office (id., p. 258). Afterwards however, the title became cheapened, the number of magistri militum increased, and at last the rank became much the same as that of dux or duke (Hodgkin, VI, 540).
[4] Chartularius, see DuCange.
[5] After their desecration by the Arian Goths.
Chapter IV
In the times of this man a very great pestilence broke out, particularly in the province of Liguria. [1] For suddenly there appeared certain marks among the dwellings, doors, utensils, and clothes, which, if any one wished to wash away, became more and more apparent. After the lapse of a year indeed there began to appear in the groins of men and in other rather delicate [2] places, a swelling of the glands, after the manner of a nut or a date, presently followed by an unbearable fever, so that upon the third day the man died. But if any one should pass over the third day he had a hope of living. Everywhere there was grief and everywhere tears. For as common report had it that those who fled would avoid the plague, the dwellings were left deserted by their inhabitants, and the dogs only kept house. The flocks remained alone in the pastures with no shepherd at hand. You might see villas or fortified places lately filled with crowds of men, and on the next day, all had departed and everything was in utter silence. Sons fled, leaving the corpses of their parents unburied; parents forgetful of their duty abandoned their children in raging fever. If by chance long-standing affection constrained any one to bury his near relative, he remained himself unburied, and while he was performing the funeral rites he perished; while he offered obsequies to the dead, his own corpse remained without obsequies. You might see the world brought back to its ancient silence: no voice in the field; no whistling of shepherds ; no lying in wait of wild beasts among the cattle; no harm to domestic fowls. The crops, outliving the time of the harvest, awaited the reaper untouched; the vineyard with its fallen leaves and its sinning grapes remained undisturbed while winter came on; a trumpet as of warriors resounded through the hours of the night and clay; something like the murmur of an army was heard by many; there were no footsteps of passers by, no murderer was seen, yet the corpses of the dead were more than the eyes could discern; pastoral places had been turned into a sepulchre for men, and human habitations had become places of refuge for wild beasts. And these evils happened to the Romans only and within Italy alone, up to the boundaries of the nations of the Alamanni and the Bavarians. Meanwhile, the emperor Justinian departed from life and Justin the younger undertook the rule of the state at Constantinople. In these times also Narses the patrician, whose care was watching everything, at length seized Vitalis, bishop of the city of Altinum (Altino), who had fled many years before to the kingdom of the Franks - that is, to the city of Aguntum (Innichen) [3] - and condemned him to exile in Sicily.
[1] Probably A. D. 566 (Hodg., V, 166, note 2).
[2] Read delicatioriblis in place of deligatioribus.
[3] At the headwaters of the Drave in Tyrol (Waitz).
Chapter V
Now the whole nation of the Goths having been destroyed or overthrown, as has been said, and those also of whom we have spoken [1] having been in like manner conquered, Narses, after he had acquired much gold and silver and riches of other kinds, incurred the great envy of the Romans although he had labored much for them against their enemies, and they made insinuations against him to the emperor Justin [2] and his wife Sophia, in these words, saying, "It would be advantageous for the Romans to serve the Goths rather than the Greeks wherever the eunuch Narses rules and oppresses us with bondage, and of these things our most devout emperor is ignorant: Either free us from his hand or surely we will betray the city of Rome and ourselves to the heathens." [3] When Narses heard this he answered briefly these words: " If I have acted badly with the Romans it will go hard with me." Then the emperor was so greatly moved with anger against Narses that he straightway sent the prefect Longinus into Italy to take Narses' place. But Narses, when he knew these things, feared greatly, and so much was he alarmed, especially by the same empress Sophia, that he did not dare to return again to Constantinople. Among other things, because he was a eunuch, she is said to have sent him this message, that she would make him portion out to the girls in the women's chamber the daily tasks of wool. [4] To these words Narses is said to have given this answer, that he would begin to weave her such a web as she could not lay down as long as she lived. [5] Therefore, greatly racked by hate and fear, he withdrew to Neapolis (Naples), a city of Campania, and soon sent messengers to the nation of the Langobards, urging them to abandon the barren fields of Pannonia and come and take possession of Italy, teeming with every sort of riches. At the same time he sends many kinds of fruits and samples of other things with which Italy is well supplied, whereby to attract their minds to come. [6] The Langobards receive joyfully the glad tidings which they themselves had also been desiring, and they form high expectations of future advantages. In Italy terrible signs were continually seen at night, that is, fiery swords appeared in heaven gleaming with that blood which was afterwards shed.
[1] In ch. 2 and 3 supra.
[2] Read Justino for Justiniano. It was Justin II who was the husband of Sophia and to whom this complaint was made.
[3] The Arian Goths were so considered.
[4] In Fredegarius (Epitome, iii, 65) it is said that the empress sent him a golden instrument used by women with which he might spin and told him that henceforth he might rule over wool-workers, not over nations.
[5] Or, as Fredegarius has it (id.): "I will spin a thread of which neither the emperor Justin nor the empress shall be able to find the end" (Hodgkin, V, 62).
[6] The charge that Narses in revenge for his recall (A. D. 566 or 567) invited the Langobards into Italy is subject to grave doubt. Paul's statement that he sent them the fruits and products of that country contains an obvious improbability, since their troops had served in Italy fifteen years before and they needed no information on that subject (Hodgkin, V, 62). Paul followed the popular tradition, and tracing this back, we find that the account occurs in the so-called Fredegarius (A. D. 642 to 658), but without the statement concerning the fruits and other products of Italy. Bishop Isidore of Seville, whose chronicle came down to 615, tells us that Narses, terrified by the threats of Sophia, invited the Langobards from Pannonia and introduced them into Italy. The Copenhagen continuer of Prosper (about 625) copies from Isidore. The Liber Pontificalis (Life of John III, A. D. 579-590) says that Narses went to Campania and wrote to the Langobards to come and take possession of Italy (Hodgkin, V, 6o, 61). This book was nearly contemporary and shows a popular belief that Narses was disloyal to the empire. Neither of the two best contemporary authors, Marius of Avenches or Gregory of Tours, who died about 594, speak of Narses' invitation to the Langobards, though the former mentions his recall and both speak of the invasion of Alboin. The Annals of Ravenna are equally silent. While Narses' recall was probably due to the empress and furnished the Langobards with their opportunity, the statement that he invited them is hardly sustained by sufficient evidence to establish the treason of that eminent commander, though it shows that after the invasion his agency was suspected (Hodgkin, V, 64, 65). Certain it is that when his bodv was brought to Constantinople, the emperor whom he is said to have betrayed, carried his bier and paid the last honors to his memory (Hartmann II, i, 24).
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