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A History of the Vikings


Chapter 6


185

and then descended upon the luckless kingdom of Æthelred the Unready (p. 264). The Jomsvikings plundered pitilessly in the south of England, wintered on the Thames, and made more than one attack upon London; then in 1010 they went into East Anglia, defeated the local levies, plundered inland to Northampton and burnt that town; in 1011 they moved south again and sacked Canterbury. They murdered the archbishop, after holding him to ransom, and when at length Æthelred had bribed them with sufficiently enormous sums of money Thorkel, with forty-five of his ships, and Olaf too, abandoned their maraudings and suddenly professed themselves willing to take up arms on behalf of the English king. In the wars with Svein in 1013 these Jomsvikings and Norwegians helped Æthelred to defend London against the invading Danes, but when in 1014 the English cause seemed to be hopeless Thorkel, though he received yet another payment from Æthelred, sailed off to Denmark and placed himself and his vikings at the disposal of King Cnut.
       It was in the year 1043 that young Magnus Olafsson the Good, king both of Norway and Denmark, put a sudden end to the great stronghold of Jomsborg and its famous vikings. They were, he must have believed, endangering the existence of his flimsy double-kingdom, for the Jomsvikings did not consider that they owed Magnus allegiance nor that the homage paid to him by Svein Estridsson of Denmark affected their own imagined independence; moreover, it was clear to Magnus that they might at any time throw in their lot with the numerous and powerful Wends who were now threatening hostilities against the Scandinavian power. Therefore he sailed at the head of a mighty fleet and took Jomsborg, then under the command of Harald Thorkelsson, by storm; he destroyed it utterly, burning the buildings to the ground and putting the captured vikings to the sword.
       So ended in fire and massacre the stronghold that Harald Gormsson had built, the fortress whose fierce and terrible warriors had been renowned above all other vikings. But though Magnus had shown the strength of his arm in Wendland, the peaceful town of Jumne, for over eighty years defended by the vanquished Jomsborg, remained. And the Wends rose in this same year; with a huge army they invaded Denmark and there on Lürschau Heath, west of Hedeby, they pitted themselves against the conqueror of the Danish fortress that had for so long protected their coast-lands. The victory went to Magnus, and so it came about that the fall of Jomsborg was the immediate prelude to the decisive battle that for ever put an end to the further expansion of the Slavs northwards and westwards.




186

       All the east German coast from Jomsborg to the Kurisches Haff lay exposed to the attacks of Danish and Swedish buccaneers, but except for the commercial importance of the rivermouths neither merchants nor marauders found much inducement to exploit these flatlands where west of the Weichsel dwelt the Wends and where in East Prussia a partly Baltic and partly Germanic folk, who had resisted the Slavonic invasion, maintained a precarious existence.
       In Wendland, apart from the Jomsborg, there are no signs of occupation by the vikings. Mecklenburg has next to no archaeological material as witness to their presence, (1) and in Pomerania only a few viking graves have been found; in this last-named province, however, some discoveries unconnected with burials have been recorded, mostly gold ornaments and combs of viking types, and from the bed of the Oder viking swords have been dredged up, while on the coast near Leba the hull of a viking ship was found.
       But further to the east the Weichsel, the great river that had borne so many of the Scandinavian emigrants on their way to the south, was a trade-route known to the men of the north from ancient days, and here on the lower reaches that were the boundary between the Slavs and the German and Baltic people there are still three or four Scandinavian place-names (2) to attest the existence of viking settlements at the head of this important thoroughfare. There is, indeed, no doubt that the vikings took their share of the trade along this river, for up-stream far inland near Mewe there was discovered the grave of a viking merchant who lived in the latter part of the eleventh century that contained not only his sword and spear but his weights and scales as well.
       In the Gulf of Danzig and along the coast of East Prussia the Swedes were jealous rivals of the Danes, (3) but in the second half of the ninth century when the Englishman Wulfstan made his celebrated voyage to Truso (Meislatein) near Elbing, this famous mart was in the undisputed possession of the native folk.


1. A summary of the viking antiquities found in north-east Germany is given by G. Kossinna, Mannus, XXI ( 1929), p. 97 ff. For East Prussia, see also W. Gaerte, Urgeschichte Ostpreussens, Königsberg, 1929, p. 320 ff.         
2. W. La Baume, Volk u. Rasse, I ( 1926), p. 93. Note that the suggested etymology for Danzig is the merest surmise and cf. A. Brückner, Arch. f. slav. Philol., XXXVIII ( 1923), p. 44. For other problematical viking place-names containing the element vaering (Varangian) near Gnesen, Cracow, and Lemberg, see R. Ekblom, ib., XXXIX ( 1925), p. 185 and cf. G. Kossinna, Mannus, XXI ( 1929), p. 105 ff.         
3. But the Swedish sýsla of the Ynglingatal I assume to have been not here but in Kurland, West Latvia (see infra, p. 190).




187

It was not until a century later that the vikings arrived in formidable array, and then, so Saxo Grammaticus relates, (1) Haakon, a son of King Harald Gormsson of Denmark, invaded the East Prussian lands and laid under him Samland, the 'amber coast' peninsula north of Königsberg. But of this Danish conquest there is, as it happens, no certain archaeological proof and the single important witness to viking settlement here in the Königsberg peninsula suggests the dominion of the Uppland Swedes rather than of the Danes. This is the large graveyard at Wiskiauten near Cranz that contains sufficient viking burials among its more than two hundred graves to establish the fact that there was a colony of Swedes in the neighbourhood during the ninth and tenth centuries. (2) Moreover whatever may be the significance that is to be attached to the first Danish conquest of Samland, there can be no doubt that the province was speedily lost to the Danes, for it is known that Cnut the Great added Samland to his huge realm (3) somewhere about the year 1020. In all probability the Danes thenceforth possessed the province until Cnut's death when the ancestors of the Prussians recovered their country and began to prepare for the coming struggle with the Poles.
       In the East Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia, and Esthonia the viking adventurers, whether merchants or marauders, were almost all of them either Swedes or Gotlanders. Yet though the voyage thither was not a long one and though there was a busy coming and going across the Baltic of Swedes journeying to the Russian cities or to the lands of the Saracens and Greeks, here on the east Baltic shores there was no properly established Swedish colony in the first two centuries of the viking expansion, for the antiquities of Scandinavian type dating from this period that have been found in the lands between the Kurisches Haff and the Gulf of Finland (4) are so scarce and come from sites so far apart that they are insufficient to establish the existence of even a few noteworthy settlements; indeed it is not until the first half of the eleventh

1. P. 485 (ed. Müller). Cf. note on p. 288 of Part II of this ed. and for some general remarks concerning the early Danish wars in Samland see J. Langobek, Scriptores Rerum Danicarum, II, p. 157, note q.         
2. See W. Gaerte, op. cit., pp. 347 -9 and G. Kossinna, op. cit., p. 102 . Dr. Birger Nerman tells me he agrees as to the general Swedish character of the Wiskiauten finds and suggests that the colony may possibly have been derived from Birka.         
3. Saxo, ed. Müller, p. 508; see especially note 3.         
4. These have been studied in detail by Dr. Birger Nerman, Die Verbindungen zwischen Skandinavien und dem Ost-Baltikum in der jüngeren Eisenzeit, K. Vitt. Ant. Akad. Handl., 40: 1 ( 1929).




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century that the Swedes and Gotlanders began to establish trading-posts along the east Baltic littoral.
       Weapons and ornaments that date from this later time and that were made according to the fashions of Sweden and, more often, Gotland have been discovered in relatively large numbers in these countries. They come most of all from Ösel Island (Saaremaa) and Moon Island (Muhu), from the south-west coast of Esthonia, and from the banks of the rivers Aa, Düna, and Windau (Venta) in Latvia, and they prove plainly enough that at the end of the Viking Period resident traders from across the Baltic, particularly Gotlanders, were dwelling among the native population, while the large cemeteries of mixed East Baltic and viking character, such as that at Ascheraden on the Düna or that at Zegevold on the Aa, demonstrate the very considerable influence that viking fashions in personal ornaments exercised upon the native craftsmen just before and after the year A.D. 1000. The cause of this sudden activity of Scandinavian merchants here and of this viking stimulus to the life and arts of the East Baltic folk is not easy to determine; but hitherto these poor coastal lands had been but thoroughfares, crossed hurriedly by northern traders eager to reach the flourishing towns of the new Russian state or to travel further south either to visit the markets of the East or to visit the great city of Constantinople, and it happened that about the time these settlements on the east Baltic coast were first established there had been a breakdown in what was for Sweden and Gotland the most important trade-route, namely the Volga-route across Russia to the Saracen East, this being due to the political failure of the Caliphate and the consequent stoppage of the mints that had for so long filled the coffers of the Swedes with the much-prized silver coins of the Arabic world. The result of this must have been that Swedish traffic with the Kievan cities of Russia increased, but these, though partly Swedish and controlled by a Swedish aristocracy, were governed by their own autocratic and independent Grand Prince; in his realm itinerant merchants from Scandinavia could not move as they would, but must pay taxes to this lord and obey his rule. Therefore, with the Volga trade failing and too keen a competition in Kiev, the town that controlled the Dnieper route, the Swedes found it more profitable not to seek these distant markets themselves but to be content with the rôle of middle-men, accordingly developing trading-stations of their own along the northern littoral and exploiting the none too wealthy sources of the east Baltic lands.
      But setting apart Scandinavian merchant-enterprise, early


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