Home of the Eddic Lays
Introduction
Page 3
It
is evident that the author of Béowulf was familiar with a Christian English
poem on the creation of the world. In Béow., 88-98, we read that a poet
(scop) sang to the music of the harp in the hall of the Danish king: 'He
who could give an account of the creation of men from the most remote
times, sang of how the Almighty created the earth, the radiant plain encircled
by water, how the Glorious One established sun and moon to shine for the
inhabitants of the world, and adorned the corners of the earth with branches
and foliage, and likewise created life for all races, who live and move.'
Here also the epithet, 'the Almighty,' points to a Christian poem.
I conjecture that the
heathen Norse poet who composed Völuspá in the tenth century in England
was familiar, when he celebrated the creation of the world, with a Christian
poem on the same theme, by which he was to some extent influenced. This
English epic poem, now lost, to which Béowulf points, also stood in historical
connection with the North-German poem presupposed by the Wessobrunner-Gebet.
I conjecture, further,
that the model of these poems, the oldest Christian Germanic poem on the
creation of the world, was composed somewhat after the year 700, when
English missionaries worked in North Germany.
A remarkable mythological
word connects the heathen old Norse works on the fate of the wold with
the oldest Christian North-German works on its destruction. The beings
who shall lay waste the world with fire are called, in O.N. works, 'the
sons of Múspell.' In the Old Saxon Hêliand (which dates from the first
half of the ninth century), in a passage which attaches itself to the
words: 'So shall it be in the end of this world' (Matt. xiii. 40), we
read: 'Mûdspelles might comes over men, the end of this world' (v. 2591;
mudspelles, Cod. Monac., mutspelles, Cotton.); and in another place (v.
4358): 'mûtspelli comes as a thief in the dark night.' In a Bavarian Christian
poem, written in the first half of the ninth century, the destruction
of the world by fire, or the fire which shall destroy the world, is called
mûspille.
This word was originally
North-German, Old Saxon. The Old High German word is borrowed from the
Old Saxon. The O.N. word is probably derived from an A.S. word, now lost,
that corresponded to the Old Saxon. The word became widespread in Christian
works that predicted the destruction of the world by fire. Its oldest
form was probably mûðspelli, or mûðspilli. I was the first to point out
that the word had nothing to do with O.S. spildian, 'to harm,' but that
it is derived from spell, 'speech, tidings, prediction, prophecy.' Detter
has explained the first part of *mûðspilli as derived from mûð, 'mouth,'
and has compared the A.S. mûðhæl, 'salutary words,' O.N. munnræða, 'speech,'
etc. He regards *mûðspilli, which really means 'oral prediction,' as a
Christian word which is a free reproduction of Latin prophetia. Following
Vigfusson, I thought previously that in the first part of the word we
had the Latin mundus, so that mûðspelli would mean 'the prediction, prophecy
of the world, of mundi consummatio.'
In Völuspá the influence
of Christian English works is very clear in the description of the first
eras of the world. We read that the gods gave names to the different divisions
of time. 'Then the Asir assembled on Ida-plain, they who erected high
altars and temples. They built smithies and forged treasures; they made
tongs and fashioned tools; they played "tables" (draughts);
they lacked nothing from gold' (Vpá., sts. 7, 8). This was, then, the
golden age of Paradise. In the new world of the remote future, the Asir
shall again assemble on Ida-Plain, and there the golden 'tables,' which
in the morning of time they had possessed, they shall find lying in the
grass (Vpá., Cod. Reg., sts. 57, 58).
For the name á Iðavelli
(with short i), Völuspá is our only authority. This word contains a reconstruction
of the name Eden, which name the heathen Scandinavians heard in England
from Christian Englishmen. Ed- in Eden was reproduced by Ið-, because
of the relation between A.S. ed-, 'again,' and the corresponding O.N.
ið-. The Scandinavians doubtless connected Iðavöllr as the name of the
place where the gods shall assemble in the new (A.S. ed-nîwe) world with
the O.N. ið-, 'again.' The -n in Eden doubtless fell away because the
name was treated as an A.S. form (e.g. a genitive) in -an, to which corresponded
an O.N. form in -a. Thus A.S. eorcnanstân was changed in O.N. into jarknasteinn.
The second part of Iðavöllr, viz. völlr, 'plain,' corresponds in meaning
to A.S. wong, which was used of Paradise. In like manner the Norwegian
place-name Leikvangr has been changed in modern times into Leikvoll. (5)
In the description of
the first eras of the world in Völuspá, there are, as E.H. Meyer has pointed
out several agreements in poetic phraseology with A.S. poems. In Vpá.,
8 we read of the gods in the morning of time: var þeim vettergis vant
ór gulli, 'they lacked nothing from gold.' In the A.S. poem, 'The Wonders
of Creation,' (6) we read of
the blessed who dwell with God: nis him wihte won, etc., 'they lack nothing.'
Of the first ages of the world, we find in Vpá., 3: jörð fannsk æva, .....
en gras hvergi, and in st. 4: þá var grund gróin---grænum lauki; compare
A.S.: Folde wæs þâ gyt---græs ungrêne, Genesis, 116 f. With Vpá., 5: máni
þat ne vissi---hvat hann megins átti,---stjörnur þat ne vissu,----hvar
þær staði áttu, compare A.S.: þonne stedeléase steorran hréosað---.......ne
se môna næfð nânne mihte wiht, in the poem on the Day of Judgment, (7)
of the year 971.
These agreements are certainly
not accidental. They are easily explained on the theory that Völuspá was
composed by a Norseman in England under the influence of English poems,
though not exactly those here quoted.
In the passage dealing
with the occupation of the gods on Ida-plain, are used the words teflðu,
'they played tables,' toflur, 'tables.' According to Rígsþula, Earl's
sons learn to play tafl. These words (which became familiar throughout
the North), though ultimately of Latin origin, were derived, at all events
in part, from England. A.S. tæfl translates Lat. alea; tæflan means 'to
play.'
With reference to the
building of altars or temples, the word hátimbra is used in Völuspá and
in Grimnismál 16. As far as its composition is concerned, it could be
genuine Norse; but while it does not occur elsewhere in Norse, we find
pretty often in A.S. héahgetimbru, 'high buildings,' particularly of Heaven,
with gen. pl. héahtimbra, and the participle héahtimbrod. In Old High
German hôhgizimbri is explained by 'pergama, capitolia.'
The theory that it was
in the West that the Norse poet sang, in Völuspá, of the first eras of
the world, is strengthened by the fact that he uses an Irish word. In
Vpá., 4, he calls the earth and the other component parts of the world
bjöðum (dat. pl.), which is borrowed from Irish bioth, bith, 'world.'
In later Icelandic poems, bjöð was adopted from Völuspá and used in the
meaning 'earth,' e.g., by the skald Kormak (note the Irish name) who was
on a warlike expedition in Scotland, and who uses several Irish and English
words.
Towards the end of Völuspá,
the influence of Christian conceptions becomes still more evident. I will
call attention to certain bits of linguistic testimony which show that
these conceptions were taken from Christian Anglo-Saxons.
We have indisputable evidence
of this fact, as has often been pointed out, in the last strophe of the
poem: þar kemr enn dimmi dreki fljúgandi, 'there comes the dark dragon
flying'; for dreki is certainly a foreign word. Nor can it be doubted
that the word in Völuspá is due to English influence; for A.S. draca
(8) occurs earlier in English than the corresponding
word in Old Norse. And, moreover, a 'flying dragon' plays an important
part in the national epic Béowulf.
The A.S. draca is, in
its turn, taken from Lat. draco; but the context in which the word dragon
occurs in the last strophe of Völuspá shows that dreki in this passage
has nothing to do with draco in the Latin sense of 'the standard of a
cohort.' In Vpá., we read: 'There comes the gloomy dragon flying, the
shining serpent, up from "Nitha-fells"; with corpses on his
wings, Niðhöggr flies over the plain; now shall he sink.' Here, then,
the dragon comes up from the deep with corpses on his wings. Down below
he has torn to pieces the bodies of the wicked. But this idea of dragons
tearing to pieces the bodies of the wicked is, as I have shown in the
First Series of my Studies (pp. 453 ff), a Christian conception which
in the Middle Ages was well known in western Europe, and therefore in
Ireland and England.
After the Sibyl has described
the renewed earth and the splendid dwellings of the good in Gimlé, and
after she has proclaimed that the Mighty One shall come, she announces
in conclusion that she sees the dragon rise from the deep, only to sink
for ever. E.H. Meyer (9) thinks
that this vision is based on the prediction of St. John (Rev. XX. 1-3)
that 'the dragon, that old serpent,' after having been cast into the bottomless
pit, and bound a thousand years, 'must be loosed a little season.' This
seems to me possible, although the statement in Völuspá that Níðhöggr
sucks bodies on Ná-strandir (i.e. Corpse-strands), has its origin in other
conceptions than those regarding the dragon in the above-cited passage
from the Apocalypse.
We read that the dragon
comes flying frá Niðafjöllum. This, I believe, means 'from the fells (mountains)
below, in the deep,' even as the designation of the place where a golden
hall stands, viz. á Niðavöllum, Vpá., 37, means 'on plains in the deep.'
The word is to be explained by the A.S. nið, neut., 'deep, abyss.' (10)
There is another word
in the Sibyl's description of the last ages of the world which betrays
definite Christian influence from England.
The hall, fairer than
the sun, thatched with gold, in which the good and upright shall dwell
in the renewed world and enjoy gladness for ever, is said to be í Gimlée,
i.e. 'the secure home adorned with precious stones.' The last part of
the word is hlé, 'shelter, protection.' The place cannot have received
its name Gimlé before the Scandinavians had borrowed their word gimr (masc.,
in Vkv.), as in gimsteinn, 'precious stone,' from Englishmen who had themselves
borrowed it (A.S. gim, gimm, masc.) from Lat. gemma, most likely through
the Irish gemm. Thus, since the name Gimlé necessarily presupposes influence
from Christian peoples, we have every reason to find in this home of the
righteous in the new world, 'Gem-shelter,' the hall of which is fairer
than the sun and thatched with gold, a reproduction, altered by passing
through several intermediaries, of the holy Jerusalem of which St. John
says (Rev. xxi. II ff): 'Her light was like unto a stone most precious,
even like a jasper stone, clear as crystal.' 'And the building of the
wall of it was of jasper: and the city was pure gold like unto clear glass.
And the foundations of the wall of the city were garnished with all manner
of precious stones.' 'And the street of the city was pure gold.' 'And
the city had no need of the sun, neither of the moon to shine in it.'
The statement in the Scandinavian
poet, that the hall in Gimlé is 'thatched with gold,' is even closer to
a passage in Gregory the Great (Dial. iv., chap. 36), who in a vision
says that in Paradise are to be seen various resplendent dwellings, in
the midst of them a shining house with golden tiles.
We have a reflection of
the holy Jerusalem in several German works also; among others in the following
description by a MHG poet: 'In the kingdom of heaven stands a house. A
golden road leads to it. The pillars are of marble; Our Lord adorns them
with precious stones.'
Other evidence that outside
of Scandinavia the holy Jerusalem of the Apocalypse became a heathen Paradise,
may be seen in the story of how the devil shows Radbot, King of the Frisians,
a golden house in which he shall dwell if he will not give up the heathen
faith: the house shines like gold, and before it is a street paved with
gold and precious stones.
As examples of how the
most important Old Norse mythological stories, as we know them from the
Eddic poems and from Snorri's Edda, arose under the profound influence
of Jewish-Christian tales which the Scandinavians heard among the English
and Irish, I shall now briefly examine some of the leading features of
the stories of Baldr and Loki.
BALDR
The
myth of Baldr appears in its chief features in several Eddic poems, especially
in Völuspá, but is most complete in Gylfaginning. In the form in which
it is preserved in these Old Norse sources, it seems to be a reconstruction
of an older myth, more epic in character, of which we seem to have a weak
echo in modernised and localised imitation, corrupt in many respects,
in the story of Hotherus and Balderus in Saxo Grammaticus. I shall not
attempt to explain here the origin of Saxo's story, or of the more epic
myth of Baldr. I shall deal only with the ancient Old Norse traditions
concerning him.
In them Baldr, pure and
spotless, is represented as the god of innocence in the midst of the other
gods, where a still more benign light is thrown upon him by contrast with
the dark figure of Loki. All that is not connected with Baldr's death
is here made subordinate, or entirely omitted, while his fall is made
particularly prominent and presented with dramatic vividness, becoming
the very turning-point in the whole history of the world. In this reconstruction
of the epic myth, we see a strong tendency everywhere manifest to lay
the chief stress on the fundamental moral elements of life. In my opinion,
this new form of the Baldr-story is due to the powerful influence exerted
by English and Irish Christianity on the heathen Norsemen in the West.
These Norsemen transferred the stories they heard in the West about Christ,
the Son of God, to Baldr, the son of their highest god Odin---yet not
without change; they transformed them, with the aid of their vivid, creative
imaginations, in accordance with special heathen Scandinavian conceptions,
so that the new myths thus formed became genuinely national in character.
ENDNOTES:
5.
See Rygh, Norske Gaardnavne, II, 271. O.N. grasvöllr is synonymous with
A.S. gærswong, O.N. vigvöllr with A.S. wîgwong. Back
6. Grein, I, 215, V. 95, from the Exeter Book. Back
7. Ed. Lumby, V. 106. Back
8. Northumbrian dræca (Pogatscher, p. 118). In O.N.
dreki, the e probably arose from a through the influence of -ki, and from
dreki it was transferred to dreka. Back
9. Völuspá, p. 205. Back
10. This occurs in Satan, 634: scûfað tô grunde
in þæt nearwe nið, and in Béowulf also. Usually frá Niðafjöllum is explained
as 'from the dark fells,' from nið, 'dark'; but in that case one would expect
Niðjafjöllum, following the dative niðjom in Vpá., 6. In the second place,
nið, 'the time when the moon does not shine,' points to a temporary darkness,
which does not suit the passage. Thirdly, the hall spoken of in Vpá., 37,
would scarcely have been imagined as golden if it had stood on plains where
pitch darkness reigned. Back
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