In the Visigothic laws we hear of a buccellarius, a free man who could change his patron, to whom he had sworn fealty, by surrendering all his arms and half of his acquisitions while in the service of his patron, and provisions were made for the daughters of the buccellarius, whereby they obtained a dowry from the property surrendered, if they married according to the patron's will. (1) An identical law substitutes the saio for the buccellarius, (2) hence the two could not have differed much in their capacities, if they were not entirely the same. The usual conception about the buccellarius in the Middle Ages was that he was a cut-throat retainer, a parasite, (3) and this opinion is well founded, if one considers the Roman law of the year 468, according to which people were not permitted to keep bands of armed buccellarii on their estates. (4) But, while it is quite true that the buccellarii during the latter days of the Roman Empire formed private bodyguards, swearing allegiance to their patrons under whom they fought, and during the fall of the Empire resolving themselves into companies of freebooters, (5) it also appears from the Gothic enactments that they had a certain legal standing, which can hardly have arisen from a condition of lawlessness, but rather must have preceded it.

The earliest reference to buccellarii is in the Notitia dignitatum, where "comites catafractarii bucellarii iuniores" are mentioned, and almost contemporaneously with it comes the statement by Olympiodorus that in the time of Honorius not only Romans, but also Goths, bore the name of buccellarii. (6) The derivation of this word from Lat. buccella, suggested by Olympiodorus and accepted by many modern writers, is mere popular etymology and of no use. All we know is that the word was employed for certain Roman and Gothic soldiers or private retainers. In the Visigothic laws the relation subsisting between the buccellarius and his patron is called by the familiar terms obsequium or patrocinium, which is a free agreement entered upon by the servant loyally to support his master from whom he received his arms and his sustenance. Guilhermoz has ably shown that the patrocinium and the buccellarii of the Visigoths are of Roman origin, (7) and I will now try to show what the origin of the word buccellarius is.

We know of the patrocinium chiefly from the many enactments against it in the Theodosian Code. It appears that in the fourth and fifth centuries farmers, especially in Egypt, entered into a kind of servitude to a patron, in order to avoid paying taxes. (8) A few years before, Libanius had addressed a letter to Theodosius, in which he gave a terrible picture of the ravages committed by those farmers who left the villages and their masters and entered the service of officers stationed near by. (9) In 415 these farmers called homologi, were ordered to return to the villages which they had left, the patrons receiving back what they had spent on them. (10) These farmers were obviously free men, for it was specifically stated that the law against the patrocinium referred only to those who had property of their own. (11)

The patrocinium, as a military institution, which, however, can hardly be separated from its mere economic form, put the buccellarius under obligation to defend the master rightly or wrongly against all men. The Visigothic laws are full of references to this evil. Judges would favor a case of a man to whom they were related by patronage, (12) and rich men relied on their retinue to impede the course of justice, (13) having recourse to riotous clamors, (14) while the Lex romana raetica curiensis meted out severe punishment to those who did not apply to their judges for the law, but to the "milites qui in obsequio principum sunt." (15) It is, therefore, clear that the buccellarius was a free Goth who entered into a compact to serve another in return for certain advantages. The important point in this relation was the contract which specifically declared what the forfeit would be if such a free man, having entered into an agreement to work for another, chose to change masters or break the contract.

In Byzantine Egypt a contract was called omologia, from the formula omologei "he promises, spondet," which is the essential part of such a contract. (16) In the Coptic contracts (17) homologei, hamologi occurs numberless times in such contracts in the sense "we agree, promise." The agreement of a sailor, who distinctly mentions the fact that he is a free man, runs as follows: "I, John, the sailor, son of the late George, of Shnoum, write to George, the sailor, son of Melas, likewise of Shnoum. Seeing that I have agreed to embark with thee as sailor upon the little ship 'Apa Severus,' and to receive hire the 10^th Indiction, henceforth, until the fulfilment of its year, namely the month of Paope, in God's will, of the 11^th Indiction; now therefore I undertake (homologei) to remain as sailor on this ship, in all freedom, without sloth or neglect. It is agreed that we will conceal nothing, one from the other, of what God shall bring to us; and we will give to each other the proportion fixed from the takings of 'Apa Severus' from to-day henceforth, until the fulfilment of its year. And if its year be fulfilled and we agree together, we will set sail again together. But if I wish to part from thee, while I am a sailor with thee upon the little ship, thereupon I will pay 2 gold solidi as fine, all that I have being at thy disposal.....For thy assurance, therefore, I have drawn up this agreement (homologia) for thee and do consent thereto by my signs, and I have begged other freemen and they have witnessed it." (18)

In Langobard times such a contract was called libellus, and a freeman promising to work the land of a patron for a series of years or for life distinctly stated the conditions, under which he worked, in such a libellus, (19) and the usual phrase for such land holding, was "libellario nomine." (20) If homologus, homologites, (21) came to mean "the farmer who works for another by a contract," (22) and in the West libellarius had the same significance, it must be obvious that buccellarius must have been formed in some similar way. Now, in Gothic bôka means "letter, document," from which are derived German buch, Russian bukva "letter," etc., and our buccellarius is derived from this word. But bôka itself is of Latin origin. Before the sixth century libellus was not the only word for "book, written document." Far more often they employed pugillar, in Greek puklion, puklon, to express "document," while libellus designated the complete book. (23) It is this stem pug-, puk -, which has produced Goth. bôka, and from pugillar has been formed buccellarius, the synonym of the later libellarius, and the Roman equivalent of the Greek homologus.

Another word, which was almost identical in meaning with buccellarius has proceeded from a Latin word meaning "book," namely vassallus. Since Pliny's time vasarium publicum was the usual name for a "liber censualis," a book in which the amount of tax the farmers had to pay was precisely recorded. (24) In the earliest Ostrogothic documents of the year 489 the new owner of the estate says that he is ready each year to pay the fiscal dues for it, and so he asks the authorities to have the name of the former owner erased from the polyptic and his own inserted instead, to which the answer of the officer granting the request is that he will have the name erased from the vasaria publica, etc. (25) What these polyptics were is best seen from a capitulary of Charles the Bald in 864, where it says that they contain a precise statement of the corvée due by each colonus, (26) and this is borne out by the polyptic of Irminon and similar lists.

That derivatives vasarinus "free serf," vasarinium, vasarisiscum "corvée due from the free serf," warcinium, warciniscum "corvée due from the free serf," recorded in 736, (27) and varcinaticum "animalia exacta ad mensam principis," used in a document of the year 816. (28) The Langobard document which has preserved the word warcinus shows that he was a free man of the same type as the libellarius. There occurs in it the expression "warcinisca facere," that is, "to do the work prescribed in the polyptic or vasaria publica," where the libellarius promises not to do peculiarina, that is, work on the property of another, even as the buccellarius forfeited his rights if he worked for another master. In the eleventh century we for the first time meet with the guarthones, that is, warciones, in France, where they are represented as a lawless lot, not unlike the buccellarii, (29) and from this guarthones we ultimately get French garçon, etc.

The form vasarinus is found in Visigothic in the form gasalianus. The seizure of uncultivated land could take place with the help of one's familia, servitores, or servi, that is, by those who did not have land of their own but were dependent on their patron from whom they received oxen and working tools. In return they promised to serve their master in a stated way. We have here that class of coloni who in Italy would be registered in the vasaria publica. In 804 we find the same class of free serfs in Spain under the name of gasaliani. (30) A similar class of free serfs in patrocinio were the Langobard gasindi, which is obviously from vasini, as gasalianes is from vasalini, vasaliani. Like the warcini the gasindi were free to change their patrons, and that these in their turn are identical with the Visigothic buccellarii as to their status is proved by the fact that gifts reverted to the donor if the gasindus left his patrocinium. (31) Gasindus is an old word, for it occurs in a Merovingian document of the year 546 (32) and is found in Gothic as gasinþa, gasinþja "companion." So, too, gasalianus is recorded in Gothic saljan "to harbor, live," saliþwos "inn, dwelling," as though ga- were a prefix. But this ga- is a corruption of the original va- as preserved in Frankish vasallus, vassalus, vassus.

Vassus occurs in the Leges Alamannorum, (33) and in the Salic laws, (34) although used in the connection "vassus in ministerio," for which several readings are "puer in ministerio," hence almost in the sense of gasalianus, but this unique occurrence of the word may be due to a late introduction. There can, however, be no doubt that vassus was well known in the eighth century, for it is recorded in authentic documents from the year 762 on, (35) and in 757 vassallus is a free serf who may change his master at will, but may not take his wife along, if she is a gift of the master, (36) that is, he is precisely under the same obligation as the gasalianus or buccellarius. Even at this early period vassus, vassallus has the general meaning "servus" and he may hold a beneficium, (37) hence the original meaning "free serf" must be considered older; thus there is no break between the serfs of the vasalria publica of the sixth and the vassalli of the eighth century.

Homologare "to make a vow to God" is not uncommon among the early Christian writers. The term was, no doubt, when transferred from the legal contract, expressive of that devotion, that condition "in patrocinio," which subsisted between the believer and his God. If the homologus made promise to serve his master without fail, he at the same time took upon himself to defend him, to represent him, be his surety, "agere pro patrono." Before entering upon the discussion of this aspect of the homologus in the West, I shall point out to what important results the Roman legal term "gerere pro patrono" has led. In the Roman law we have gerere curam "to administer," more particularly "to represent the master." While we occasionally get a similar phrase in the Middle Ages, (38) we far more often have guirens, guarens, guaritor, garens, warrantis, etc. "surety, fideiussor, warrantee," (39) hence guerire "to protect, hold safe." (40) The earliest reference to a word derived from gerere in this legal sense we get in a document of the year 954, composed at Cerdagne or Urgel, that is, not far from Toulouse, where the earliest other forms are recorded. We have here giregar "to hold safe, defend." (41) But garîr, pl. gurrân "security, warning, bail" is recorded in Arabic as early as the middle of the ninth century, and that this is borrowed from the Latin or Greek is proved not only by its utter unrelatedness to anything in Arabic, but also by the Greek gloss geriteuein "gerere, administrare, dioikein," given in Ducange as taken from the Glossae Basilicon. Now, we have gerere pro herede translated by "wj klhronomoj dioikeiin kai despozein," (42) while pro herede gestiones is left in Greek as "pro airede gestionej ," (43) so that there cannot be any doubt as to the presence of gerere in Graeco-Roman law from the time of the Justinian Code on. The almost exclusive appearance of garens at Toulouse and at a comparatively late time is, no doubt, due to its borrowing from the Arabic, which, in its turn, received it from the Greeks.

Garens, guarens "protector, defensor, warrantee" produced the very popular garantia, garandia, garentia, guarentia, etc., "guarantee, protection, defence, prohibition," hence garenna, guarenda, varenna "a forest or river in which none but the king may exercise his rights, warren." The Latin documents record a large number of verbs from this group, garire, gariscere, garentare, garandiare, garandire, etc., "cavere, spondere, praestare, defendere, sanare." The forms with n are very old, for we find in the capitularies of Charlemagne warnire "to prepare for war, defence." (44) The Romance languages have borrowed their respective terms from the French or Provençal, where there is an enormous number of derivatives of this group. We have Prov. garen "surety, witness, helper," garensa "salvation, protection, cure," garentia "witness, proof," garana, garena, "warren," garandar "to observe, enclose, surround," garanda "reliability, measure," garar "to observe, look out, pay attention, suspect," garir "save, cure, ward off," garida "salvation, help, protection," garnir "fit out with every thing necessary, equip, prepare, adorn"; similarly OFrench garant "protection, defence," gare "ambuscade," garer "to furnish," garir "to guarantee, preserve, save, protect, defend, furnish, resist," garison "defence, protection, safety, sustenance," garnir "to fortify, prepare, defend," etc.

The Germanic languages have similarly adopted this group of words. We have Goth. warjan "to prohibit," wars "wary," OHG. wara "intuitio, consideratio, cura" biwaron "servare, providere," warjan, werjan "prohibere, cohibere," weren "to grant, warrant," warnon "munire, prospicere, admonere, instruere," AS. waer "ware, aware, having knowledge, prepared, on guard, careful, wary, cautious, prudent," waru "watchful care, observance, keeping of command," werian "to hinder, check, restrain, defend, resist attack, defend at law, protect, guard from wrong or injury," warenian, warnian, wearinan "to take heed, beware, be on guard, abstain," etc. Similarly the Slavic languages have a very large quantity of derivatives from the root var- with the underlying meaning "to guard, protect." We have already seen from the Provençal sources that garire is generally connected with "de omnibus hominibus," that is, that this verb has the distinct meaning "to protect, by fighting against all men." We have also in French gare gare "hunters' call in the pursuit of the stag," hence gara, guerra was early associated with "strife, tumult, war," OHG. werra "scandal, quarrel, sedition," (45) while the popular Provençal forms giregare, querregare, guerrigiare produce later the MHG. krîg, German krieg "war," kriegen "to make war, obtain,"

This root gar-, war- has become confused with the root gard-, ward-, which has arisen in an entirely different manner. In the Visigothic laws we find an officer, gardingus, who is also a "compulsor exercitus." He is mentioned after the thiufadus, but apparently not as an integral part of the military and judicial hierarchy, (46) for he is only mentioned in connection with sudden military expeditions. But the gardingi are near to the royal person, for they figure with the seniores or optimates palatii, after the high priesthood, once, as confirming a law, (47) another time, as being subject to the same punishment. (48) They either take part in the expedition or stay at home and do duty in the guardia "the home guard," (49) hence gardingi unquestionably is related etymologically to guardia, and it is possible to ascertain the Latin equivalents from which the two are derived. In the fifth century the militia cohortalis is opposed to the armata or legionaria militia, (50) apparently because it represented a home militia doing guard duty. But cortis, the briefer form of cohortis, produces gard- in the Romance and Germanic languages, (51) and gardia, guardia, wardia represents here cortis in the sense of militia cortalis "guard." Such a militiaman is called cohortalis apparitor (52) or cohortalinus, (53) and in Gothic we get similarly, derived from guardia, the word gardingus. Thus we get Goth. wardja "guard," OHG. warta "speculatio, cura, custodia, excubiae, statio, spectaculum," warten "videre, spectare, adspicere, speculari, excubare, sperare," AS. weard "watch, ward," etc. The Slavic languages have also this root vard-, vart-, with which the other root var- has become confused.




Endnotes

1. "Si quis buccellario arma dederit vel aliquid donaverit, si in patroni sui manserit obsequio, aput ipsum quae sunt donata permanenat. Si vero alium sibi patronum elegerit, habeat licentiam, cui se voluerit commendare: quoniam ingenuus homo non potest prohiberi, quia in sua potestate consistit: sed reddat omnia patrono, quem deseruit. Similis et de circa filios patroni vel buccellarii forma servetur, ut si ipsi quidem obsequi voluerint, donata possideant: si vero patroni filios vel nepotes crediderint reliquendos, reddat universa, quae parentibus eorum a patrono donata sunt. Et si aliquid buccellarius sub patrono adquesierit, medietas ex omnibus in patroni vel filiorum eius potestate consistat: aliam medietatem buccellarius, qui adquaesivit, obtineat: et si filiam reliquirit, ipsam in patroni potestate manere iubemus: sic tamen, ut ipse patronus aequalem ei provideat, qui eam sibi possit in matrimonio sociare. Quod si ipsa contra voluntatem patroni alium forte elegerit, quidquid patricius a patrono fuerit donatum vel a parentibus patroni, omnia patrone vel heredibus eiun restituatur," Euric. Frag. CCCX and Lex Visig. v. 3. 1. Back

2. Euric. Frag. CCCXI and Lex Visig. v. 3. 2, 3, 4. Back

3. "Buccellarius assecula, satellites, galearius, parasitus, scurra," Corupus glossariorum latinorum; "boukellarioj o apostellomenoj kai fwn tina," Ducange. Back

4. "Omnibus per civitates et agros habendi buccellarios vel Isauros armatosque servos licentiam volumus esse praeclusam. Quod si quis, praeter haec nostra mansuetudo salubriter ordinavit, armata mancipia seu buccellarios aut Isauros in suis praediis aut juxta se habere temptaverit, post exactam centum librarum auri condemnationem vindictam in eos severissimam proferri sancimus," Cod. Just. IX. 12. 10. Back

5. Mommsen, in Hermes, vol. XXIV, p. 233 ff., and C. Lécrivain, Les soldats privés aus Bas Empire, in Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire, vol. X, p. 267 ff. Back

6. "To Boukellarioj onoma en taij hmeraij Onwriou efereto kata stratiwtwn ou monwn Rwmaiwn, alla kai Gotqwn tinwn," Lécrivain, l. c., p. 277. Back

7. Essai sur l'origine de la noblesse en France au moyen âge, Paris 1902, p. 13 ff. Back

8. "Omnes ergo sciant, non modo eos memorata multa feriendos, qui clientelam susceperint rusticorum, sed eos quoque qui fraudandorum tributorum causa ad patrocinia solita fraude confugerint, duplum definitae multae subituros" (399), XI. 24. 4. Back

9. "Eisi kwmai megalai pollwn wksth despotwn. autai katafeugousin epi touj idrumenouj stratiwtaj, ouc ina mh paqwsi kakwj, all ina ecwsi poiein. kai o misqoj af wn didwsin h gh, puroi kai kriqai kai ta apo twn dendrwn h crusoj h crusiou timh. probeblhmenoi toinun taj toutwn ceiraj oi dedwkotej ewnhntai thn eij apanta exousian. kai nun men kaka kai pragmata parecousi toij omoroij ghn apotemnomenoi, dendra temnontej, arpazontej, quontej, katakoptontej, esqiontej," Libanius, De patrociniis, 4. Back

10. "Hii sane, qui vicis quibus adscripti sunt derelictis, qui homologi more gentilitio nuncupantur, ad alios seu vicos, seu dominos transierunt, ad sedem desolati ruris constrictis detentatoribus redire cogantur: qui si exsequenda protraxerint, ad functiones eorum teneantur obnoxii, et dominis restituant, quae pro his exsoluta constiterit," Cod. Theod. XI. 24. 6. Back

11. "Excellentia tua his legibus, quae de prohibendis patrociniis aliorum principum nomine promulgatae sunt, seueriorem poenam nos addidisse cognoscat: scilicet, ut si quis agricolis vel vicanis propria possidentibus patrocinium reppertus fuerit ministrare, propriis facultatibus exuatur. His quoque agricolis terrarum suarum dispendio feriendis, qui ad patrocinia quaesiti confugerint," XI. 24. 5. Back

12. "Si quis iudici pro adversario suo querellam intulerit, et ipse eum audire noluerit aut sigillum negaverit et per diversas occasiones causam eius protraxerit, pro patrocinio aut amicitia noles legibus obtemperare," II. 1. 20. [Back]

13. "Quicumque habens causam ad maiorem personam se propterea contulerit, ut in iudicio per illius patrocinium adversarium suum possit obprimere, ipsam causam, de qua agitur, etsi iusta fuerit, quasi victus perdat, iudex autem mox viderit quemcumque potentem in causa cuiusilibet patrocinari, liceat ei de iudicio eium habicere. Quod si potens contemserit iudicem et proterve resistens de iudicio egredi vel locum dare iudicanti noluerit, potestatem habeat iudex ab ipso potente duas auri libras auri exigere et hunc iniuria violenta a iudicio propulsare," II. 2. 8. [Back]

14. "Audientia non tumultu aut clamore turbetur......nullus se in audientiam ingerat.....quod si admonitus quisquam a judicem fuerit, ut in causa taceat hac prestare causando patrocinium non presumat, et ausus ultra fuerit parti cuiuslibet patrocinare, decem auri solidos eidem iudici profuturos coactus exolvat, ipse vero, in nullo resultans, contumeliose de iudicio roiectus abscedat," II. 2. 2. It is interesting to notice here that the Bavarian law has used this clamore, which naturally means "riotous noise, sedition," in the same sense in the form carmulum, "si quis seditionem suscitaverit contra ducem suum, quod Baiuvari carmulum dicunt," I. 2. 3, and this leads to Slavic kramola "sedition." [Back]

15. "Quicumque homo, qui suos iudices, qui in sua provincia commanent, postposuerit, et ad milites, qui in obsequio principum sunt, suas causas agere presumserit: ipse qui eam causam inquirit, in exilio deputetur; et ille miles, qui ipsam causam iudicat, X libras auri solvat," II. 1. 7. [Back]

16. M. J. Bry, Essai sur la vente dans les papyrus gréco-égyptiens, Paris 1909, p. 131 ff. [Back]

17. W. E. Crum, Catalogue of the Coptic Manuscripts in the Collection of the John Rylands Library, Manchester 1909, in the Vocabulary. [Back]

18. W. E. Crum, op. cit., p. 76. [Back]

19. A typical libellus would run something like this: "Manifestum mihi Luitpert homo liber, et filio qd. Teuderici, quia per cartulam ad resedendo confirmasti me et filius et nepotibus meis tu venerabili domno Peredeo Episc. in casa Eccl. vestre in loco Ligori, ubi antea residet qd. Ursulo, et in omnem res ividem pertenent. Proinde per hanc cartula repromicto me una cum filiis seo nepotibus meis, ut diebus vite nostre in ipsa case abitare debeamus, et ipsa casa et omnes res ibidem pertenent in omnibus meliorare debeamus, et in alio loco aut in alia casa peculiarina facere non debeamus Et per singulo anno tibi et successoribus tuis reddere debeamus de ipsa res duo modio grano, et duo modia farre, vino anforas quinque, olivas medietate, animale bono magese, in Pascha uno pullos, ovas decem, et angaria vobis facere debeamus, sicut est consuetudo facere alii massarii de ipso loco," etc. (764), Mem. e doc .....di Lucca, vol. V, p. 51. [Back]

20. "Libellario titulo," Cassiodorus, Variae, v. 7 (523); "sed et terrulam ecclesiae nostrae vicinam sibi......libellario nomine ad summam tremissis unius habere concede" (590), Gregorii I Registri, II. 3; "volumus ut securitatis libellos de pensionibus facias" (591), ibid., I. 42. [Back]

21. W. E. Crum, op. cit. (mologites), p. 237. [Back]

22. The homologi are several times recorded in the second century in Egypt, and Wilcken (Griechische Ostraka aus Aegypten und Nubien, Leipzig und Berlin 1899, vol. I, p. 253 ff), agreeing with Gothofredus, at first considered them to be peasants who accepted the patronage by some kind of homologia "agreement," but he later somewhat modified his views in M. Rostowzew's Studien zur Geschichte des römischen Kolonats, in 1. Beiheft zum Archiv für Papyrusforschung, p. 219 ff. But for our purposes the precise status of the homologi is immaterial, for all we are concerned with is the fact that these homologi entered in patrocinium and, as we shall later see, retained the name of homologi in the West. [Back]

23. "Venere in manus meas pugillares libellique cum quibusdamn otissimis versibus ipsius chirographo scriptis," Suetonius, Nerva 52. [Back]

24. Plinius, VII. 49, Cod. Theod. XIII. 11. 12, Cassiodorus, Variae VII. 45. [Back]

25. "Parati sumus singulis annis pro eadem praedia conpetentia solvere unde rogamus uti jubeatis a polypthicis publicis nomen prioris domini suspendi et nostri dominii adscribi .....Unde erit nobis cura de vasariis publicis nomen prioris dominii suspendi et vestri dominii adscribi," Marini, I pap. dipl., p. 130. [Back]

26. "Illi coloni, tam fiscales, quam et ecclesiastici, qui sicut in polypticis continetur et ipsi non denegant, carropera et manopera ex antiqua consuetudine debent," MGH., Leg. sec. II. 2, p. 323. [Back]

27. "Faichisi seo Pasquale, fratris germani, filii quondam Beninato, qui fuet aldio vestrum S. Saturnini.....tu predicta Pasquale et Faichisi in casa S. Saturnini resedire diveatis in Diano casa, vel in omni res patris nostro, quondam Veninato, quia manifestum est quod de livera mater natis sumus, et de istato nostro nulla condicione bovis redivibamus, nisi tantum bonis de ipsa casa vel omni res patris nostro, warcinisca facere diveamus, sic ut bovis pater nostrum quandam Veninatus usum facere fuet, ad pratum sicandi stabulum faciendi in via ubi vovis opum fuerit, sicut unum de warcini vestri.....Si nos Pasquale et Faichisi vel nostros heredes de ipsa casa exire voluerimus, aut ipsas warcinia facere minime voluerimus, exeamus bacui et inanis et insuper conpunamus pine nomini auri sol. 20," Brunetti, Codice diplomatico Toscano, vol. I, p. 488. [Back]

28. "De quibus una est donatio quam Lupus Dux ad praedictum sanctum locum fecit de varcinatico, id est animalia, quae exigebantur ad mensam Principis Ducatus Spoletani," Muratori, Scriptores, vol. I, p. 369: "obtulit quoqu, praeceptum.....et de clausura in Marsis, et de vuarcinatico, id est, animaliaquae exigebantur ad mensam Ducis Spoletani," ibid., p. 372. [Back]

29. "Solent enim venire guarthones et scutarii et servientes de Morteriolo in domos villanorum et furtim aliquid capere de domibus eorum" (1055), E. Lelong, Cartulaire de Saint-Aubin d'Angers, Paris 1903, vol. I, p. 271. [Back]

30. "Ego Ihoannes episcopus sic ueni in locum que uocitant Ualle Conposita et inueni ibi eglesia deserta uocabulo Sancte Marie Uirginis et feci ibi fita sub regimine Domino Adefonso principe Obetau, et construxi uel confirmabi ipsam eglesia in ipso loco et fice ibi presuras cum meos gasalianes mecum comorantes.....et construxi ibi cenobium cum meos gasalianes et tenui eas iure quieto, sub regimine iam dicto Domino Adefonso," Chartes de l'église de Valpuesta, in Revue hispanique, vol. VII, p. 282 ff. [Back]

31. "Et si aliquid in gasindio ducis, aut privatorum hominum obsequium, donum munus conquisivit, res ad donatore revertantur," Ed. Roth. 225. See Guilhermoz, op. cit., p. 46 ff. [Back]

32. "Una cum omnibus rebus vel hominibus suis, gasindis, amicis, susceptis," MGH., Dip. imp., vol. I, p. 6; also pp. 12 and 45. [Back]

33. XXXVI, LXXIV. [Back]

34. X (XXXV. 6). [Back]

35. MGH., Dipl. Karolina, vol. I, p. 23; also (771), p. 74, p. 95, etc. [Back]

36. "Homo Francus accepit beneficium de seniore suo, et duxit secum suum vassallum, et postea fuit ibi mortuus ipse senior (i.e. homo Francus) et dimisit ibi ipsum vassallum; et post hoc accepit alius homo ipsum beneficium, et pro hoc ut melius potuit habere illum vassallum, dedit ei mulierem de ipso beneficio, et habuit ipsam aliquo tempore; et, dimissa ipsa, reversus est ad parentes senioris sui mortui, et accepit ibi uxorem, et modo habet eam. Definitum est, quod illam quam postea accepit, ipsam habeat," Decretum compendiense, in MGH., Capitularia, vol. I, p. 38. [Back]

37. "Similiter et vassus noster......beneficium et honorem perdat" (779), ibid., p. 48. [Back]

38. "Patronos vel gerentes se pro patronis" (1257), Les Olim, vol. I, p. 18. [Back]

39. "Arnaldus Maurinus vendidit suam partem per se et per suum fratrem, Willelmum Maurinum; et debet esse guirens de hoc suo fratre," C. Douais, Cartulaire de l'abbaye Saint-Sernin de Toulouse, p. 21; "debent esse guirentes de omnibus eorum hereditariis" (1155), ibid., p. 26; "et erimus eis legales guaritores de omnibus amparatoribus," ibid., p. 78; "filii sui debent esse inde legales guarentes Deo et ecclesie Sancte Constantie de omnibus hominibus," ibid., p. 150; "et habeas ibi guarantes tuos qui guarentizent tibi feoda ....praecipio quod justicia mea faciat ei habere considerationem meae curiae secundum quod audierit warantos tuos" (1181), V. Bourienne, Antiquus cartularius ecclesiae Baiocensis, Rouen, Paris (1902, vol. I, p. 15. [Back]

40. "Uxorem sua et infantes sui debent hunc casalem legaliter guerire Deo.....de omnibus hominibus," C. Douais, op. cit., p. 155. [Back]

41. "Siamus tibi adjutores de ipsa honore quod haberetis vel in antea habere potueris cum nostrum consilium a tener et a giregar et a defendre contra cunctos homines vel feminas per fidem rectam sine engan," Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. II Preuves, col. 422. [Back]

42. B. Brisson, De verborum quae ad just pertinent significatione, librii XIX, sub gerere. [Back]

43. Ibid., sub heres. [Back]

44. "Unusquisque infra patriam cum pace et sine oppressione pauperum.....et in hostem vel ad placitum, sive ad curtem veniens, de suo sit warnitus, et de domo sua moveat ut cum pace ....venire possit," MGH., Capitularia, p. 158; "nobis in adjutorium, prout citius potuerint, veniant, et de hoc omnes semper warniti sint," ibid., p. 360. [Back]

45. "Rixas et dissensiones seu seditiones, quas vulgus nominat" (858), MGH., Capitularia, vol. II, p. 440; "de ista die in ante Karoli Hludowici imperatoris filii regnum illi non forconsiliabo, neque werribo" (860), ibid., p. 298; "si werra in regno surrexerit, quam comes per se comprimere non possit" (877), ibid., p. 360. [Back]

46. "Dux et comes, thiufadus aut vicarius, gardingus vel quelibet persona, qui aut ex ipso sit commissu, ubi adversitas ipsa occurrerit, aut ex altero qui in vicinitate adiungitur, vel quicumque in easdem provincias vel territoria superveniens infra centum milia positus, statim ubi necessitas emerserit, mox a duce suo seu comite, thiufado vel vicario aut a quolibet fuerit admonitus, vel quocumque modo ad suam cognitionem pervenerit, et ad defensionem gentis vel patrie nostre prestus cum omni virtute sua, qua valuerit, non fuerit," IX. 2. 8; "iam vero, si quisquis ille admonitus, et tamen qualibet cognitione sibimet innoescente non nescius, aut progredi statim noluerit, aut in definitis locis adque temporibus prestus esse destiterit: si maioris loci persona fuerit, id est dux, comes seu etiam gardingus, a bonis propriis ex toto privatus exilii relegatione iussu regio mancipetur," IX. 2. 9. [Back]

47. "Videntibus cuncti sacerdotibus Dei senioribusque palatii atque gardingis," II. 1. 1. [Back]

48. "Secundus est canon de accusatis sacerdotibus seu etiam optimatibus palatii atque gardingis," XII. 1. 3. [Back]

49. "Quicumque vero ex palatino officio ita in exercitus expeditione profectus extiterit, ut nec in principali servitio frequens existat, nec in wardia (guardia) cum reliquis fratribus suis laborem sustineat, noverit se legis huius sententia feriendum," IX. 2. 9. [Back]

50. A. v. Priemenstein, in Pauly Wissowa, Real-Encyclopaedie, vol. VII, col. 358. Also as cohortalina opposed to castrensis militia, Cod. Theod. XVI. 5. 65. 4. [Back]

51. Of this I treat in full under the history of the curtis. [Back]

52. Cod. Theod. VIII. 4. 30. [Back]

53. Cod. Theod. VI. 35, 14. 1. etc. [Back]