I have assumed Arabic, rather than Greek influence in the late appearance of garens, because there is in Gothic another unmistakeable Arabic word, which entered about the same time. (54) In a Carolingian document of the year 794 we meet for the first time the verb gurpire "to abandon." (55) It is also used in the sense of "abandon, turn over" in a formula of Marculfus, (56) but as it has been shown that this collection of formulae could not have been made up before 741, we have no datable case before the end of the eighth century. As the abandonment or cession of property, in Salic law at least, could not take place except by the throwing of the festuca from the hand, this gurpire, werpire came to mean "to throw," a fact amply proved by hundreds of quotations. (57) That the original meaning was "to abandon" is proved, not only by OF. guerpir, gerpir, werpir, gepir, gurpir, curpir, guepir "quitter, laisser, abandonner," Prov. gurpir, guerpir, grupir "déguerpir, abandonner, délaisser, separer," but also by LLat. arbus, garbus, gerbus, frequently recorded in Italian documents in the sense of "abandoned (land)." (58) As there is not a trace of this word to be found before the eighth century, its appearance and universality can be accounted for only by some event which took place in that century. This is amply explained by the Arabic invasion the very progress of which was characterized by the abandonment of land by the Goths and Franks. We have in Arabic hariba "it was, or became, in a state of ruin, waste, uninhabited, depopulated, deserted, desolate, uncultivated, or in a state of the contrary of flourishing," harib, harab "in a state of ruin, etc.," harab "a ruin, waste, a place, country, place of abode, in a state of ruin, etc." The Franks did not inherit the word from their German ancestors, for there is no reference to it in any of the older Germanic laws, nor anywhere else in the documents or in literature, hence the Franks could have acquired it only directly or indirectly from the Arabs, and the fact that the Goths have the word wairpan only in the meaning "to throw" shows that they could have acquired it only from their Frankish neighbors who lived under the Salic law, that is, in the second half of the eighth century, when a large number of Goths settled in the southwest of France in the territory known as Gothia, or somewhere else on French territory.

The Langobard laws give an interesting illustration of the late appearance of the word among the Germanic nations. In the very late Cartularium to the Langobard laws, of about the year 1000, it is specifically mentioned that the formula warpi te was employed by Romans, Salics, Ribuarians, Goths, Alemanians, Bavarians, and Burgundians alike in the complete cession or tradition. (59) But there are certain acts where warpi te is used in Salic documents exclusively. (60) In the text of the Langobard law the word does not occur, but in ninth century manuscripts a law dealing with the crime of throwing a man from a horse is entitled De marahworfin, (61) while another, speaking of the desecration of graves, is entitled De crapworfin. But these titles are lacking in the older codices and wherever they appear are not repeated in the text, hence they are obviously later additions. Thus it is clear that the Salic law has forced the word on all the Germanic nations, without itself containing a trace of the word before the end of the eighth century, which once more establishes the Arabic origin of the word.

Before gerens took the place of agens, and before buccellarius meant "private apparitor," homologus was the popular word for agens among the Teutons, hence where the Langobard law uses auctor (62) and the Interpretations translate this by warens, (63) all the other Germanic laws use a derivative of homologus. The Langobard law in question deals with the surety which the purchaser receives from the seller of a horse to guarantee the seller in case the horse was stolen. The Edictum Theoderici simply says that a question raised about the sale of a thing must be answered by the seller before the buyer's judge, and that the seller cannot refer the buyer to his own auctor, the person from whom he himself got the thing, but that he may summon that auctor, to defend him in court. (64)

The Lex Burgundionum says more explicitly that if a person recognizes a thing to be his own, he may ask for a surety or, failing to get one, may seize his property, except that in case he has made a false claim he must pay back double the amount. (65) The auctor of the Edict is here confused with any surety, a most natural mistake, for the auctor who guarantees the sale is eo ipso a surety for that sale. The Salic law has elaborated enormously upon its predecessors. "If a person recognizes his property he puts it into the hands of a surety, both parties swearing. All parties concerned in the transaction are warned and must appear in court within 40 days. If the person with him sends three witnesses to summon him and three other witnesses are furnished to prove that he has had dealings with him, thus freeing himself of the charge of theft. The person failing to appear stands out as a thief to him who has recognized his property, pays the price back to him with whom he has had his dealings, and he pays the penalty according to law to him who has recognized his property. All this is to be done in court where the surety lives, that is, where the thing has been put into a third hand." (66) The Lex ribuaria has the same provision, except that the guilty person is brought before the king's scaffold or to the place where the surety is. (67)

In spite of the elaborate accessories the law is essentially the same as in Theodoric's Edict, except that the supposedly stolen thing is left in a third hand. Even as in the older law, the seller has to answer in the court of the buyer or, rather, of the claimant's surety, and the seller has to defend himself against the charge of receiving stolen goods. The surety is called hamallus, hamallatus, the other forms of which are badly corrupted. That hamallus, for homologus, means "surety, witness" is proved by a Merovingian document of the year 679, where hamallatus is corrupted to hamedius. A woman, Acchildis, accuses Amalgarius of illegally holding a piece of property which belongs to her by inheritance. To this Amalgarius replies that he and his father have held the property for thirty-one years. Amalgarius is requested to bring with him six sponsors, that is, homologi, who are all to swear over the chapel of St. Martin that he and his father have lawfully held the estate for thirty-one years. Amalgarius appears with his hamedii and, complying with the law, gets the estate. (68) That hamedii was actually in use is proved not only by the gloss "hamedii, id sunt coniuratores, quos nos geidon dicimus," (69) but also by the short form medius, medicus "witness," of extremely common occurence in the Lex Alamannorum. (70)

The whole proceeding in the above-mentioned case is in accordance with the Ribuarian law, which in this particular may have been the same as the Salic law. In any case, the Ribuarian law provides that the swearing should take place in the chapel together with six witnesses. (71) That hamallus, hamedius is the same as agens is proved by the presence of the word mallato in this sense in Spain. (72) This connotation "agent, representative, advocate," which the word obviously has, has led to the verb homallare, with its variants, omallare, obmallare, admallare, mallare, in the basic sense of "to represent a person in court." The formula "prosequire, adsumere, respondere vel homallare" is quite common in the documents, (73) and since homallare means "to represent a case through a competent speaker, attorney," (74) it also means "to carry to court, denounce," (75) in which sense it is even found in Portugal. (76) The corresponding term for "to summon, appear in court" in Theodoric's Edict (77) and in the Visigothic laws (78) is convenire. But convenire is closely associated with conventus "assembly, synod, court." So, too, homallare, in its abbreviated form mallare, leads to mallus "assembly court." However, this term has no concrete reference to a definite court, least of all to a Germanic court, hence it is not found in the Formulae Andecavenses, Marculfi, Turonenses, Bituricenses, nor in the distinctly German laws of the Frisians, Thuringians, and Saxons.

The Lex romana raetica curiensis is a modernisation of the Breviary of Alaric and so aids us in getting at the exact equivalent of mallare. Mallus does not occur there at all, while amallare, never mallare, renders the older "in iudicium vocare, repetere, litigare, accusare, convenire, in iudicium deducere," (79) that is, it means "to summon, denounce." In the Ribuarian law admallare means "to summon," (80) while in the Lex Alamannorum and Baiuwariorum it means "to prosecute in court, plead." (81) The Salic law has two expressions for "to summon," manire (82) and mallare. The first is used almost exclusively for summoning privately by means of witnesses, not for the legal summons by order of the judge, hence the gloss has it correctly "mannitus: vocatus tribus testibus praesentibus." (83) The distinction is the same as is made in Latin between admonere and convenire, the first referring to a private summons, (84) while convenire means only "to summon directly to court." Obviously manire is the corrupt form for (ad)monere, which is equally used in the Salic law for it. (85) The more common word is mallare, admallare, obmallare. Thus mallus was derived to express all those actions with which the summoning is connected. It is either the legal court of any count, thunginus, iudex, etc., (86) or it only refers to the legal three summonses, when it means "a period of seven days." (87)

There is a strange psychological phenomenon which causes such words as "astronomy" and "prodigy" to become popularly "astronomy" and "progidy." By a similar psychological law the consonant groups h-m-l, g-m-l show in all the European languages a tendency to turn into m-h-l, m-g-l. Thus the Arab. hamal "carrier" is found in Roumanian and the Slavic languages as mahal, while Albanian has side by side gamule "glebe," magul'e "hill," OSlav. gomila, mogyla "tomb," Roum. gamalie, magalie, Slav. gomolya "clod." It may be that this group is derived from Lat. cumulus or grumulus (witness Croatian gromila = gomila) "heap," or it may, after all, be the same Greek omiloj, which is not unlikely, when we consider Russ. gomola, Boh. homola "pyramis, cone" and Croatian gomila, which generally means "a mass of human beings." Whatever the case may be, which for our purpose is immaterial, the fact remains that the groups h-m-l, g-m-l become m-h-l, m-g-l. If we now turn to the Langobard laws, we there find the earliest Germanic derivative of homologus, namely a verb hamalôn, mahalôn "confabulari," hence gahamalus, gamahalus "confabulatus." But the text is certainly tampered with, for what it intends to say is this: "If one of the fideiussores or sacramentales dies, the plaintiff has a right to substitute another in his place." Here, as in the Salic and Ribuarian texts, the word hamallus was used, but a later scribe, knowing the current meaning of gahamalus, gamahalus "sponsor, sponsatus," added "aut de natus, aut de gahamalus, id est confabulatus," which by the very equation (which, besides, is not contained in all the texts) betrays its later origin. (88)

In OHG. we have mahalôn "postulare, causas, agere, interpellare," mâlon "contendere," gamahaljan "despondere," mahalo "concio, foedus," gamahalo "sponsus, vir, conjunx." If we now consider that mallus "conventus" was a fictitious term, referring to the legal summonses which had to be repeated each seven days, we at once see how the "primo, secundo mallo, tribus mallis" of the quotations produced OHG. zeinemo male, ze andermo male, ze driu malen, hence mâl "legal term, time." Furthermore, the Roman law generally spoke of summonses "trinis litteris" or "trinis epistulis," since the summonses were not legal if not given in writing, and this was also the case in Visigothic law, (89) hence mâl was also a "written document" and OHG. mâlôn "to paint," i.e., "to write." This appears even more directly from the Goth. ml "time, hour, space of time," plural mla "writing," mljan "to write," AS. mael, mal, Icel. mál "a part, portion measure, term of anything, space of time," etc., AS. maelan "to say, speak, converse," mal, Icel. maeli, mál "speech, discourse, multitude, assembly, place of meeting." At the same time the form omologhthj, which produced LLat. hamallatus, of which hamedius is obviously a corrupt form for hamedlus or hameldus, has led to Crim-gothic malthan, Goth. maþljan, AS. maeðlan "to speak, discourse," Goth. maþl "conventus, agora," AS. meðel "discourse, speech, council," OHG. madal "concio, sermo." Since the hamallus, hamallatus was the real informer and amallare, therefore, acquired the meaning "to denounce, inform," we get OHG. meldôn, AS. meldian, ameldian "to discover, betray, make known, inform against," AS. meld "evidence, proof, discovery," OHG. melda "delatura, proditio." The Slavic languages have the roots modl-, mold-, mol-, to express the idea "to request, pray," Lith. malda "prayer," and that this group is derived from the same source is proved by Judaeo-Spanish meldar "to read the prayers, to pray." It may also be possible that Russ. molvit' "to speak" is derived from it, for this root occurs only in the eastern Slavic languages and is, therefore certainly borrowed. Ducange records even as late as the thirteenth century homologare "to make a vow, promise," (90) which may have survived in the language of the church. From this homologare was formed the feudal term homolegius "a vassal," (91) which was popularly related to homo and allegare and produced the feudal terms homagium and allegancia, OFrench homage and lige, liege, etc.





Endnotes

54. See Preface, p. viii. [Back]

55. "Necnon omnen iustitiam et res proprietatis, quantum ille aut filiis vel filiabus suis in ducato Baioariorum legitime pertinere debuerant, gurpivit atque proiecit et, in postmodum omni lite calcanda, sine ulla repetitione indulsit et gratia pleniter concessit et in sua misericordia commendavit," MGH., Capitularia, vol. I, p. 74. [Back]

56. "Villas nuncupatas illas, in pago illo, sua spontanea voluntate nobis per fistucam visus est werpisse, vel condonasse," I. 13. [Back]

57. "Absolvere eum nolebat, nisi prius dimissionem manu propria (quod et vulgo werpire dicitur) faceret calumniam super hoc guipivit in manu mea; et si tunc eam habuerit, mox ei abrenuntiet, quod lingua Francorum gurpire dicimus (1031); ingenuitatem illorum et alodem manibus gurpierunt; Odo, Brunellus dictus, ecclesiam de Evorea quam dudum haereditario quidem, sed injurioso jure, laicus possederat, guerpo in manu mea posito, sanctae ecclesiae per me restituit," in Ducange, sub guerpire. [Back]

58. "Terra arba" (976), Codice diplomaticc padovano dal secolo sesto a tutto l'undecimo, p. 87; "terras arabiles et prata et garbas et buscalivas" (1100), ibid., p. 458; "terris arabilis et gerbis" (10. cent.), ibid., pp. 4, 230. See Ducange, sub gerba, gerbida, gerbina, gerbum. [Back]

59. "Si est Romanus, similier dic; sed si est Salichus, si est Riboarius, si est Francus, si est Gothus vel Alemannus venditor.....Et adde in istorum cartulis et Baioariorum et Gundebadorum......Et in omnium fine traditionis adde....'warpi te'," 2 (MGH., Leges, vol. IV, p. 595). Similarly 13 (p. 598). [Back]

60. Ibid., p. 600 (Nos. 17, 18, 24). [Back]

61. "Si quis hominem liberum de caballo in terra iactaverit," Roth. 30. [Back]

62. "Si quis caballum emerit et auctorem ignoraverit," Roth. 232. [Back]

63. In the Liber Papiensis. Compare also: "debet esse: auctor et bonus garenz de omnibus amparatoribus" (13. cent.), Cazauran, Cartulaire de Berdoues, Paris 1905, p. 347. [Back]

64. "Auctor venditionis, etiamsi privilegium habeat sui iudicis, tamen defensurus venditionem suam, forum sequatur emptoris," 139. "Qui de re comparata pertulerit quaestionem, ipse petitori respondere compellitur, nec ad auctorem suum proponentem repellit: quem necesse est hoc tantum ipse commoneat, ut factum suum in venditione defendat," 140. [Back]

65. "Quicumque res aut mancipium aut quodlibet suum agnoscit, a possidente aut fideiussorem idoneum accipiat, aut si fideiussorem petitum non acceperit, res, quas agnoscit, praesumendi habeat potestatem. Si vero falsus fuerit in agnoscendo, rem, quam male agnovit, et aliud tantum cogatur exsolvere," LXXXIII. [Back]

66. "Si quis seruum aut caballum uel bouem aut qualibet rem super alterum agnouerit, mittat eum in tertia manu. Et ille super quem cognoscitur debeat agramire; et si cis ligere aut carbonariam ambo manent et qui agnoscit et apud quem cognoscitur in noctis XL placitum faciant, et inter ipso placito qui interfuerit qui caballo ipso aut uenderit aut cambiauerit aut fortasse in solitudinem dederit. Omnes intro placito isto communiantur, hoc est ut unusquis que de cum negotiatoribus alter alterum admoneat. Et si quis commonitus fuerit et eum sunis non tenuerit et ad placitum uenire distulerit, tunc ille qui cum eum nogotiauit mittat tres testes quomodo ei nunciasset ut ad placitum ueniret. Et alteros tres quod publicae ab eo negociasset; istud si fecerit exuit se de latrocinio. Et ille qui non uenerit super quem testes iurauerunt, ille erit latro illius qui agnoscit et precium reddat ille qui cum illo negociauit, et ille secundum legem conponat ille qui res suas agnoscit; ista omnia in illo mallo debent fieri ubi ille est gamallus (hamallus, amallus, rhamallus) super quem res illa primitus fuit agnita aut intertiata," XLVII. [Back]

67. "At regis staffolo vel ad eum locum, ubi amallus (amallatus, mallatum, mallus) est, auctorem suum in praesente habeat," XXXIII. [Back]

68. "Cum ante dies in nostri vel procerum nostrorum presencia, Conpendio, in palacio nostro ....ibique veniens fimena, nomene Acchildis, Amalgario interpellavit dum dicerit eo quod porcione sua, in villa noncobanti Bactilione valle, quem de parti genetrici sua Bertane quondam, ligebus obvenire debuerat, post se malo ordene retenirit. Qui ipse Amalgarius taliter dedit in respunsis, eo quod ipsa terra in predicto loco Bactilione valle, de annus triginta et uno, inter ipso Amalgario vel genetore suo Gaeltramno quondam, semper tenuerant et possiderant. Sic eidem nunc a nostris procerebus ipsius Amalgario fuissit judecatum, ut de nove denomenatus aput sex, sua mano septima, dies duos ante istas Kalendas julias, in oraturio nostro, super cappella domni Martine, ubi reliqua sacramenta percurribant, hoc dibirit conjurare, quod antedicta terra, in predicto loco Bactilione valle, inter ipso Amalgario vel genetore suo Gaeltramno, de annus triginta et uno semper tenuissint et possedissint, nec eis diger numquam fuissit, nec aliut exinde non redebirit, nisi edonio sacramento. Sed veniens antedictus Amalgarius ad ipso placito Lusareca, in palacio nostro, una cum hamedius suos, ipso sacramento, justa quod eidem fuit judicatum, et nostros equalis preceptionis locuntur, in quantum inluster vir Dructoaldus, comes palati noster, testimuniavit, ligibus visus fuit adimplissit, et tam ipse quam et hamediae suae diliguas eorum derexsissent. Propteria jobimus ut ipsa porcione, in predicto loco Bactilione vualle, unde inter eus orta fuit intencio, memoratus Amalgarius contra ipsa Acchilde vel suis heredibus omne tempore abiat evindecata," Lauer and Samaran, Les diplômes originaux des mérovingiens, Paris 1908, p. 12. [Back]

69. MGH., Capitularia, vol. I, p. 91. [Back]

70. "Cum 12 medicus electus iuret." [Back]

71. "Sibi septimus in haraho coniurit," XXXIII. 2. [Back]

72. "Direxerunt ad Regem ad Legionem suo mallato Bera" (934), España sagrada, vol. XL, p. 400. [Back]

73. "Fidelis, Deo propicio, noster ille ad nostram veniens presentiam, suggessit nobis, eo quod propter simplicitatem suam causas suas minime possit prosequire vel obmallare (o-, ad-, ho-)," Formulae Marculfi (in MGH., Formulae), I. 21; "iobemus, ut memoratus pontifex, aut abba, vel abbatissa, seo advocatus eius in vice adsumendi vel omallandi (ho-).....cum aequitatis ordine respondendi vel omallandi (ho-)," I. 36; "ut ipsa causa suscipere ad mallandum vel prosequendum in vice mea debeas," II. 31; "oc coniuravit uel legibus custodivit, quomodo se contra illum sibi obmallavit," Formulae Salicae Merkelianae, 28; "rogo, preco, supplico atque iniungo per hunc mandatum ad meam vicem hominem nomen ille, quem ego beneficium ei feci argento uncias tantas, ipsum meum ubi et ubi eas vel meas prosequere et admallare et adcausare facias," Formulae Andecavenses, 48; "ad vicem meam prosequere et excausare, admallare eas facias," Formulae Turonenses, 45; "per omni iure investigare, inquirere, prosequi et admallare debeas," Formulae Senonenses recentiores, 10. [Back]

74. "Homo nomen ille alico homene nomen illo mallavit pro res suas," Form. Andec., 43. [Back]

75. "Unde me ille homo in mallo publico malabat," Form. Senom., 21; "unde me ille ante vir magnifico illo vel aliis bonis hominibus malavit, quae ego herbas maleficas temporasse vel bibere ei dedisse," Cart. Senon., 22. [Back]

76. "Et filauit nostro porto et parauit ibidem suo barco et nameabit nostros homines et maliauit nostro barcario et exiuit nobis inde multa superbia et malefactoria super nostros homines" (999), PMH., Dipl. et chart., p. 112. [Back]

77. "A die qua per auctoritatem conventus est," 11; "iudicis praeceptione conventus," 46; "conventus legibus," 56; "uxor pro marito non debet convenire," 153. [Back]

78. "Si tali admonitione conventus aut se dilataverit aut ad iudicium venire contemserit," II. 1. 19; "postquam conventus fuerit a iudice," VIII. 1. 7. [Back]

79. "Si ille miles illum privatum patrianum amallaverit (in iudicium vocauerit)," II. 1. 2; "si privatus homo illum fiscalem admallaverit (si privatus fiscum repetat)," II. 5; "et si de presente, quo ammallatus fuerit, ipsas res reddiderit (et eo die, a quo de tali re coeperint litigare)," IV. 15. 1; "si quiscumque homo alienum servum de capitale crimine amallaverit (si servos alienos accusandos esse crediderit)," IX. 4; "quod si forsitan terciam vicem amallati fuerint et ante iudicem venire noluerint, sicut alii contumaces pene feriundi sunt (quod si tertio conventi)," XVIII. 11; "qui post longum tempus alterum hominem de quale cumque causa amallare voluerit (in iudicium deduci non potest)," XXVII. 10. [Back]

80. "Sicut in presente legitimi malatus fuerit," LVIII. 19; "quod eum ad strude legitima admallatum habet," XXXII. 3. [Back]

81. "Et si quis alium mallare vult de qualecumque causa, in ipso mallo publico debet mallare ante iudice suo......in uno enim placito mallet causam suam," Lex Alem., XXXVI. 2; "ille homo qui mallatur ante eum de causa illa," ibid., XLII. 1; "mallet eum ante plebem suam," Lex Baiuw., I. 10, 13. 2; "et si qui se malliet de eadem re iustitiam faciat," III. 14. 6. [Back]

82. "Si quis uero commonitus fuerit et sumis eum non detinuerit et ad placitum uenire distulerit, tunc ille cum quo negotiauit mittat tres testes quomodo ei maniauerit quod ad placitum ueniat," XLVII (cod. 10); "si quis ad mallum legibus dominicis mannitus fuerit," I. 1; "et ille qui alium mannit cum testibus," I. 3; "tunc maniat eum ad mallum et testes super singula placita qui fuerunt ibi praestos habeat," XLV. 2; "manire eos cum testibus debet," XLVIX. 1; "si adhuc nolierit conponere debet eum ad mallum manire," L. 2; "ad regis praesentia ipso manire debet," LVI. 1. 1; "tunc eum debet manire ante regem, hoc est in noctes XIIII, et tria testimonia iurare debent quod ibi fuerunt ubi eum manibit et solem collocauit," LVI. 1. 4, etc. [Back]

83. J. Hessels and H. Kern, Lex salica, in Vocabulary. [Back]

84. "Necesse eot hoc tantum ipse commoneat, ut factum suum in venditione defendat," Ed. Theod., 139; "iudex cum ab aliquo fuerit interpellatus, adversarium admonitione unius epistule vel sigilli ad iudicium venire conpellat, sub ea videlicet ratione, ut coram ingenuis personis his, qui a iudice missus extiterit, illi qui ad causam dicendam conpellitur, offerat epistulam vel sigillum," Lex Visig., II. 1. 19. [Back]

85. "Omnes intro placito isto communiantur, hoc est unusquisque de cum negotiatoribus alter alterum admoneat," XLVII. 1; "tunc ad que manitus (monitus, admanitus) est extra sermonem suum ponat eum," LVI. 5; "tribus testibus praesentibus, admonere debet, ut seruum suum infra VII noctis praesentare debeat," XL. 10. [Back]

86. "Mallus publicus," Lex. sal., XIV. 4; "legitimus mallus publicus," ibid., XLVI. 6; "mallus comitis," ibid., Capit. 1. V; "mallus thungini aut centinarii," ibid., XLIV. 1, XLVI. 1; "mallus iudicis, hoc est comitis aut grafionis," ibid., LXXII. 1, etc. [Back]

87. "Tribus malos (mallis) parentibus offeratur, et non sic redemitur, uita charebit," Lex sal., Pact. 2; "et si inter ipsas VII noctes fidem facere nec componere uoluerit, tunc in proximo mallo....sic inuitetur graphio," ibid., LXXVIII. 7; "in alio mallo iterum minare debit, et ibi tres testes debit collegere. Edonius a tercio uero mallo similiter faciat," ibid., XXXVI (LXV cod. 7); "quam si uero nec ipse habuerit unde tota persoluat, tunc illum qui homicidium fecit qui eum sub fidem habuit in mallo praesentare debent, et sic postea eum per quattuor mallos ad suam fidem tollant," ibid., LVIII. 6; "sin autem manitus fuerit ad secundo mallo, aut a tertio, seu ad quarto, vel quinto, usque ad sexto venire distullerit, pro unoquemque mallo....culpabilis iudicetur," Lex rib., XXXII. 2. [Back]

88. "Et si aliquis de ipsos sacramentalis mortus fuerit, potestatem habeat ille qui pulsat, in locum mortui alium similem nominare de proximus legitimus, aut de natus aut de gamahalos (gahamalos, gaamaalos, gamelos, gamalos) id est confabulatus," Roth. 362. [Back]

89. II. 1. 19. See note 2 on p. 73. [Back]

90. "Pro se et hominibus suis voluerunt et homologaverunt Deo et B. Mariae praedictas decimas" (1268), also amologare [Back].

91. "Sed si voluerit unum locare, poterit de suis vassallis seu homolegiis, et coram illo secundum terminos praefixos parare potest" (1156), in Ducange. [Back]