MAJOR NARRATIVES
PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY
I. FRAGMENTS FROM LANDANAMA-BOOK
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1. There was a man named Grimkel [A.D. 876], son of Ulf Hreiparson, called Krage, and brother to Gunnbiorn, (2) after whom Gunnbiorn's Rocks (3) are named. He took possession of that piece of land that extends from Berevigs Röin to Ness Röin, and out round the point of the cape. He lived on Saxahval. He drove away Saxe, a son of Alfarin Valeson, and he lived on the Röin of Saxahval. Alfarin Valeson had first taken possession of the cape between Berevigs Röin and Enne.
2. Eric Red [A.D. 983] said that he intended to find the land that was seen by Gunnbiorn (4), Ulf Krage's son, when he was driven by a storm west from Iceland, and found Gunnbiorn's Rocks. [A.D. 876] At the same time he said if he did not find the land he would return to his friends.
3. Two sons of Gunnbiorn, Ulf Krage's son, after whom Gunnbiorn's Rocks were named, were called Gunstein and Haldor. They took possession of Skötufiorden, Löigardelen and Ogursvigen to Mjorfiord. Berse was Haldor's son, father to Thormod Kalbrunarskald.
4. Snæbiorn (Holmstein's son), called Galte, owned a ship [A.D. 970], that lay in the mouth of Grimsar (in Borgafiorden). Rolf, from Rödesand, bought a half of the ship. Each of the parties mustered twelve men. With Snæbiorn was Thorkel and Sumarlide, sons of Thorgier Red, son of Einar, from Stafholdt.
Snæbiorn also took Thorod from Thingness, his step-father and his five sons, and Rolf took Stærbiorn. The last named recited the following verse, after he had a dream:
Both ours
dead I see;
all empty
in Northwestern Sea;
cold weather
great suffering,
I expect
They sought Gunnbiorn's Rocks and found land. Snæbiorn would not permit any one to go ashore in the night. Stærbiorn landed, notwithstanding, and found a purse (6) with money in an earth hole, and concealed it. Snæbiorn hit him with an axe so that the purse dropped.
They built a cabin to live in, and it was all covered with snow. Thorkel Red's son found that there was water on a shelf that stood out of the cabin window. This was in the month of Groe. (7) They shoveled the snow away. Snæbiorn rigged the ship; Thorod and five of his party were in the hut, and Stærbiorn and several men of Rolf's party. Some hunted. (8) Stærbiorn killed Thorod, but both he and Rolf killed Snæbiorn. Red's sons and all the rest were obliged to take the oath of allegiance to save their lives. They arrived on their return to Helgeland, Norway and later at Vadil in Iceland. (9)
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II. THE COLONIZATION OF GREENLAND
The first document relating to the settlement of Greenland by the Northmen, is taken from the Saga of Eric the Red, as given in Professor Rafn's "Antiquitates Americanæ". Besides the historyof Eric and his sons, that Saga contains notices of other voyages. The following are simply extracts. The whole Saga does not necessarily apply to the subject under examination---the Discovery of America. The second extract, which gives more of the particulars, is from "Grönland's Historiske Mindesmærker," vol. II, p. 201. The third is also taken from the same great historical depository.
FIRST NARATIVE
There was a man named Thorvald, son of Osvald, son of Ulf-Oexna Thorerisson. Thorvald and his son were obliged to leave Jardar (10) and go to Iceland, on account of manslaughter. At that time Iceland was generally colonized. (11) They first lived in Drangey, where Thorvald died. Then Eric married Thorhild, daughter of Jorund and Thorbiarg Knarrabringa, whom afterward Thorbiorn of Haukdale married. Eric moved from the north, and fixed his abode in Ericstad opposite Vatshorn. The son of Eric and Thorhold was named Leif. But after Eyulf Soers and Holm-Gang Rafn's murder, Eric was banished from Haukdale. Eric went westward to Breidafiord and lived at Oexney in Ericstad. He lent Thorgest his seat-posts (12) and he could not get them again. He then demanded them. Then came disputes and hostility between him and Thorgest, which is told in the history of Eric. Styr Thorgrim's son, Eyulf of Svinoe, the sons of Brand of Aptelfiord and Thorbiorn Vifilsson plead the cause of Eric; Thorder Gellurson and Thorgeir of Hitardale plead for Thorgest. Eric was declared outlawed by the Thing, and prepared his ship for sea in Eric's Bay. Styr and the others went with him beyond the island. [A.D. 982] Then Eric declared it to be his resolution to seek the land which Gunnbiorn, Ulf Krage's son, saw [A.D. 876] when driven into the Western Ocean, where he found Gunnbiorn's Rocks, saying, that if he did not find the land he would return to his friends. Eric set sail from Snæfellsjokul, and found land which from its height he called Midjokul, now called Blaaserk. Thence he sailed along the shore in a southerly direction, seeking for the nearest habitable land. The first winter he passed in Ericseya, (13) near the middle of the east district. The following year he came into Ericsfiord, where he fixed his seat.
The same summer he explored the western desert, and gave names to many places. The following winter he passed on a holm opposite Rafnsgnipa, and the third year he came into Iceland and brought his ship into Breidafiord. The land which he found, he named Greenland, saying that men would be persuaded to go to a land with so good a name(14) Eric stayed in Iceland that winter, and the summer after he went over to the land which he had found, and fixed his abode in Brattahlid in Ericsfiord. [A.D. 986] Men acquainted with affairs, say that this same summer in which Eric went to settle in Greenland, thirty five ships sailed from Breidafiord and Bogafjord, of which only fourteen arrived, and the rest were driven back or lost. This event took place fifteen winters (15) before the Christian religion was established in Iceland. The same summer, Bishop Frederick and Thorvald Kodranson went from Iceland. (16) Among those who emigrated with Eric and established themselves, were Heriulf Heriulfsfiord who took Heriulfsness, and abode in Heriulfsness, Ketil Ketilsfiord, Rafn Rafnsfiord, Solvi Solvidale, Helgi Thorbrandson Alptafiord, Thorbjornglora Siglefjord, Einar Einarsfiord, Haf grim, Hafgrimsfiord and Vatnahver, Arnlaug, Arnlaugsfiord and other men went to the west district.
THE BAPTISM OF LEIF THE FORTUNATE
When the sixth winter had passed [A.D. 999], since Eric Red went to live in Greenland, Leif, son of Eric, went over from Greenland to Norway, and in the autumn arrived in Throndheim, and came north to King Olaf Trygvesson, (17) from Hegeland. He brought his ship to Nidaros and went at once to King Olaf. The king commanded Leif and some other pagan men to come to him. They were exhorted to accept religion, which the king easily arranged with Leif, when he and all his sailors were baptized, and passed the winter with the king, being liberally entertained.
SECOND NARRATIVE
Thorvald the son of Usvold, son of Ulf, son of Oexne-Thorer, and his son, Eric Red, left Jardar in Norway on account of manslaughter, and took possession of a piece of land on Hornastrand [Iceland], and lived there at Drangey. There Thorvold died. Eric then married Thorhild, daughter of Jorund Atleson and Thorbiarg Knarrabringa, whom Thorbiorn of Haukdale afterward married. Then Eric went from the north and ploughed the fields in Haukdale. Then he lived in Ericstadt by Vatshorn. There his thralls (18) let a piece of rock tumble down over Valthiof's house in Valthiosfstadt. But his relation, Eyulf Söirs, killed the thralls at Kneide-Brinke above Vatshorn. For this cause, Eric killed Eyulf Söirs. He also killed Holm-Gang Rafn at Leikskaale. Geirstein and Odd at Jörund. Eyulf Söirs' relations brought a suit against the slayer. Eric was then banished from Haukdale and took possession of the islands, Brokö and Oexno, but lived in Todum at Sydero, the first winter. Then he loaned Thorgest his seatposts. Eric moved to Oexno and lived in Ericstadt. Then he demanded his seat-posts, but did not get them. Eric took them thereafter from Bredobolstad, but Thorgest followed him. They fought near the house at Drangey. Two sons of Thorgest fell, and some other men. Thereafter they both kept their followers with them. Styr, Eyulf of Svino, Thorbrand's sons of Alptefiord, and Thorbion Vifilsson, were of Eric's party. But Thord Gelleirson, Thorgeir from Hitardale, Aslak of Langedale, and Illuge's son helped Thorgest. Eric and his party were sentenced to be banished at Thorsness Thing. He fitted out a ship in Ericsfiord, but Eyulf concealed him in Dimonsvaag, while Thorgest and his men sought after him on the highlands. Thorbiorn, Eyulf and Styr followed with Eric out to sea beyond the islands. He said that he meant to seek the land Gunnbiorn, Ulf Krage's son, saw [A.D. 876] when he was driven by a storm west from Iceland and found Gunnbiorn's Rocks; though he said at the same time if he discovered the land he would return to his friends. [A.D. 982] Eric laid his course to the west from Snæfieldness, and approached [Greenland] from the sea to land at Midjokul, in that place that is called Blæsark. (19) From thence he went along the coast to the south, to see if the land was fit to live in. The first year he stayed all winter in Ericksö, nearly in the middle of the west bygd. The next spring [A.D. 983] he went to Ericsfiord and there found a dwelling. Next summer he went to the west bygd and gave certain names to many places. The second winter he lived in Ericsholm, at Hvarfo Fiedspidæ, and at the third summer [A.D. 984] he went north to Snæfield, inside of Rafnsfiord. He thought then that the place where Ericsfiord bent was opposite the place where he came. He then returned and spent the third winter in Ericksö opposite the mouth of Ericsfiord. The next summer [A.D. 985] he went to Iceland and landed at Breidafiord. The next winter he stayed at Holmstater with Ingolf. Next spring he fought with Thorgest and lost the battle. That summer Eric began to settle the land which he had discovered [A.D. 986], and which he called Greenland, because he said that the people would not like to move there if the land did not have a good name. (20) Learned men say that twenty-five ships went that summer to Greenland from Breidafiord and Borgafjord, but only fourteen arrived. Of the rest, some were driven back and others were wrecked. This happened fifteen winters before Christianity was introduced into Iceland.
THIRD NARRATIVE
The land some call Greenland, was discovered and settled from Iceland. Eric the Red was the name of the Breidafiord man who [A.D. 986] went from here [Iceland] to there, and took possession of that part of the land which later was called Ericsfiord. He named the land and called it Greenland, (21) and said it would encourage people to come there if the land had a good name. They found there both east and west, ruins of houses and pieces of boats, and begun stonework. (22) From which it is to be seen what kind of people have lived in Vinland, and which the Greenlanders call Skrælings and who had been there. He [Eric] began to settle the land fourteen or fifteen years before the introduction of Christianity in Iceland. Afterward this was told of Greenland to Thorkel Gelleirson, by a man who had himself followed Eric Red.
III. THE VOYAGE OF BIARNE
The voyage of Biarne to Greenland was attended by many hardships. His vessel was blown away from the course during a storm, at which time he saw the shores of the American Continent, yet he made no attempt to land. Of this voyage we have two versions. The first is a translation of a passage from Codex Flatöiensis, given in Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 17. The second is taken from Grönland's Historiske Mindesmærker, or "Greenland's Historical Monuments, I, 180-1." The date of this voyage is fixed by the fact that Biarne sailed the same season that his father settled in Greenland, which, as we learn from the narrative of Eric, was in the year 985. There is a complete agreement, in the main points, between this account and the preceding.
FIRST NARRATIVE
Heriulf was the son of Bard, Heriulf's son, who was a relation of Ingolf the Landnamsman. (23) Ingolf gave Heriulf land between Vog and Reikianess. Heriulf dwelt first at Dropstock. His wife was called Thorgird, and their son was called Biarne. (24) He was a promising young man. In his earliest youth he had a desire to go abroad, and he soon gathered property and reputation; and was by turns a year abroad, and a year with his father. Biarne was soon in possession of a merchant ship of his own. The last winter [A.D. 985] while he was in Norway, Heriulf prepared to go to Greenland with Eric, and gave up his dwelling. There was a Christian man belonging to the Hebudes along with Heriulf, who composed the Lay called the Hafgerdingar (25) Song, in which is this stave:
May he whose hand protects so well
The simple monk in lonely cell,
And o'er the world upholds the sky.
His own blue hall, still stand me by. (26)
Heriulf settled at Heriulfness [A.D. 985] and became a very distinguished man. Eric Red took up his abode at Bratthalid, and was in great consideration, and honored by all. These were Eric's children: Leif, Thorvold, and Thorstein; and his daughter was called Freydis. She was married to a man called Thorvald, and they dwelt at Gardar, which is now a bishop's seat. (27) She was a haughty, proud woman; and he was but a mean man. She was much given to gathering wealth. The people of Greenland were heathen at this time. Biarne came over the same summer [A.D. 985] with his ship to the strand (28) which his father had sailed abroad from in the spring. He was much struck with the news, and would not unload his vessel. When his crew asked him what he intended to do, he replied that he was resolved to follow his old custom by taking up his winter abode with his father. "So I will steer for Greenland if ye will go with me." They one and all agreed to go with him. Biarne said, "Our voyage will be thought foolish, as none of us have been on the Greenland sea before." Nevertheless they set out to sea as soon as they were ready, and sailed for three days, until they lost sight of the land they left. But when the wind failed, a north wind with fog set in, and they knew not where they were sailing to; and this lasted many days. At last they saw the sun, and could distinguish the quarter of the sky; so they hoisted sail again, and sailed a whole day and night, when they made land. They spoke among themselves what this land could be, and Biarne said that, in his opinion, it could not be Greenland. On the question, if he should sail nearer to it, he said, "It is my advice that we sail up close to the land." They did so; and they soon saw that the land was without mountains, was covered with woods, and that there were small hills inland. (29). They left the land on the larboard side, and had their sheet on the land side. Then they sailed two days and nights before they got sight of land again. They asked Biarne if he thought this would be Greenland; but he gave his opinion that the land was no more Greenland than the land they had seen before. "For on Greenland, it is said there are great snow mountains." They soon came near to the land, and saw that it was flat and covered with trees. (30) Now, as the wind fell, the ship's people talked of its being advisable to make for the land; but Biarne would not agree to it. They thought that they would need wood and water; but Biarne said: "Ye are not in want of either." The men blamed him for this. He ordered them to hoist the sail, which was done. They now turned the ship's bow from the land, and kept the sea for three days and nights, with a fine breeze from south-west. Then they saw a third land, which was high and mountainous, and with snowy mountains. Then they asked Biarne if he would land here; but he refused altogether: "For in my opinion this land is not what we want." (31) Now they let the sails stand and kept along the land and saw it was an island. (32) Then they turned from the land and stood out to sea with the same breeze; but the gale increased, and Biarne ordered a reef to be taken in, and not to sail harder than the ship and her tackle could easily bear. After sailing three days and nights, they made, the fourth time, land; and when they asked Biarne if he thought this was Greenland or not, Biarne replied: "This is most like what has been told me of Greenland; and here we shall take to the land." They did so, and came to the land in the evening, under a ness, where they found a boat. On this ness dwelt Biarne's father, Heriulf; and from that it is called Heriulfness. Biarne went to his father's, gave up sea-fearing, and after his father's death, continued to dwell there when at home.
SECOND NARRATIVE
A man named Heriulf, son of Bard, son of Heriulf, (33) a relation to Landnamsman Ingolf, who gave the last-named Heriulf the piece of land that lies between Vaag and Reikianess. The younger Heriulf went to Greenland, when Eric Red began to settle there, and on his ship was a Christian man from the South Islands [the Hebrides] who was the author of the poem, Havgerdingar, in which was the following verse:
I to the monk's protector pray
That he will give my voyage luck!
The heaven's great Ruler
Save me from danger.
Heriulf took possession of Heriulfsfiord, and became one of the chief men. Eric Red took to himself Ericsfiord, and lived in Brattahlid, and Leif, his son, after his death. Those men who at the same time went away with Eric took possession of the following pieces of land: Heriulf Heriulfsfiord, and he lived in Heriulfness, Ketil Ketilsfiord, Rafn Rafnsfiord, Sölve Sölvedale, Snorro Thorbrandson Alptefiord, Thorbiornglora Siglefiord, Einar Einarsfiord, Havgrim Havgrimsfiord and Vatnahverfe, Arnlaug Arnlaugfiord; but some went to the west bygd. A man named Thorkel Farserk, cousin to Eric Red on their mother's side, went to Greenland with Eric, and took possession of Hvalsöfiord, together with the greater part of the piece of land between Eyolfsfiord and Einarsfiord, and lived in Hvalosöfirde. From him came the Hvalsöfiord people. He was very strong. Once Eric Red visited him, and he would welcome his guest in the best way possible, but he had no boats at hand which he could use. He had to swim out to Hvalsö, and get a full-grown sheep, (34) and carry it on his back home to his house. It was a good half mile. Thorkel was buried in a cave in the field of Hvalsöfiord.
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IV. LEIF'S VOYAGE TO VINLAND
This voyage is recorded in the Flatö Manuscript, and is given in Antiquitates Americanæ, pp. 26-40. It contains the account of the voyage of Leif, son of Eric the Red, who, following out the hints of Biarne, sailed to discover the new land, which he called Vinland, on account of the quantity of vines that he found growing wild. Several extracts are appended, because of interest in connection with the subject. The Saga of Eric was written in Greenland, a fact not to be overlooked, that of Thorfinn having been composed in Iceland. (35)
[A.D. 984] It is next to be told that Biarne Heriulfson came over from Greenland to Norway, on a visit to Earl Eric, who received him well. Biarne tells of this expedition of his, in which he had discovered unknown land; and people thought he had not been very curious to get knowledge, as he could not give any account of those countries, and he was somewhat blamed on this account. [A.D. 986] Biarne was made a Court man of the earl, and the summer after he went over to Greenland; and afterward there was much talk about discovering unknown lands. Leif, a son of Eric Red of Brattahlid, went over (36) to Biarne Heriulfson, and bought the ship from him, and manned the vessel, so that in all, there were thirty-five men on board. Leif begged his father Eric to go as commander of the expedition; but he excused himself, saying he was getting old, and not so able as formerly to undergo the hardship of a sea voyage. Leif insisted that he among all their relations was the most likely to have good luck on such an expedition; and Eric consented, and rode from home with Leif, when they had got all ready for sea; but as they were getting near the ship, (37) the horse on which Eric was riding, stumbled, and he fell from his horse (38) and hurt his foot. "It is destined," said Eric, "that I should never discover more lands than this of Greenland, on which we live; and now we must not run hastily into this adventure." (39) Eric accordingly returned home to Brattahlid, but Leif, with his comrades, in all thirty-five men, rigged out their vessel. There was a man from the south country called Tyrker, (40) with the expedition [A.D. 1000] They put the ship in order, and went to sea when they were ready. They first came to the land which Biarne had last [first] discovered, (41) sailed up to it, cast anchor, put out a boat and went on shore; but there was no grass to be seen. There were large snowy mountains (42) up the country; but all the way from the sea up to these snowy ridges, the land was one field of snow, and it appeared to them a country of no advantages. Leif said: "It shall not be said of us, as it was of Biarne, that we did not come upon the land; for I will give the country a name, and call it Helluland. (43) Then they went on board again and put to sea, and found another land. They sailed in toward it, put out a boat and landed. The country was flat, and overgrown with wood; and the strand far around, consisted of white sand, and low toward the sea. Then Leif said: "We shall give this land a name according to its kind, and called it Markland. (44) Then they hastened on board, and put to sea again with the wind from the north-east, and were out for two days and made land. They sailed toward it, and came to an island (45) which lay on the north side of the land, where they disembarked (46) to wait for good weather. There was dew upon the grass; and, having accidently gotten some of the dew upon their hands and put it in their mouths, they thought that they had never tasted any thing so sweet as it was. (47) Then they went on board and sailed into a sound (48) that was between the island and a ness (49) that went out northward from the land, and sailed westward (50) past the ness. There was very shallow (51) water in ebb tide, so that their ship lay dry; and there was a long way between their ship and the water. They were so desirous to get to the land that they would not wait till their ship floated, but ran to the land, to a place where a river comes out of a lake. As soon as their ship was afloat they took the boats, rowed to the ship, towed her up the river, (52) and from thence into the lake, (53) where they cast anchor, carried their beds out of the ship, and set up their tents. They resolved to put things in order for wintering there, and they erected a large house. They did not want for salmon, (54) both in the river and in the lake; and they thought the salmon larger than any they had ever seen before. The country appeared to them of so good a kind, that it would not be necessary to gather fodder for the cattle for winter. (55) There was no frost in winter, (56) and the grass was not much wilthered. Day and night were more equal than in Greenland and Iceland; for on the shortest day the sun was in the sky between Eyktarstad (57) and the Dagmalastad. Now when they were ready with their house building, [A.D. 1001] Leif said to his fellow travelers: "Now I will divide the crew into two divisions and explore the country. Half shall stay at home and do the work, and the other half shall search the land; but so that they do not go farther than they can come back in the evening, and that they do not wander from each other." This they continued to do for some time. Leif changed about, sometimes with them and sometimes with those at home. Leif was a stout and strong man and of manly appearance, and was, besides, a prudent and sagacious man in all respects.
It happened one evening that a man of the party was missing, and it was the south countryman, Tyrker. Leif was very sorry for this because Tyrker had long been in his father's house, and he loved Tyrker in his childhood. Leif blamed his comrades very much, and proposed to go with twelve men on an expedition to find him; but they had gone only a short way from the station when Tyrker came to meet them, and he was joyfully received. Leif soon perceived that his foster father (58) was quite merry. Tyrker had a high forehead, sharp eyes, with a small face, and was little in size, and ugly; but was very dexterous in all feats. (59) Leif said to him, "Why art thou so late, my foster father? and why didst thou leave thy comrades?" He spoke at first long in German, rolled his eyes and knit his brows; but they could not make out what he was saying. After a while, and some delay, he said in Norse, "I did not go much further than they; and yet I have something altogether new to relate, for I found vines and grapes." (60) "Is that true, my foster father?" said Leif. "Yes, true it is," answered he, "for I was born where there was no scarcity of grapes." They slept all night, and the next morning Leif said to his men, "Now we shall have two occupations to attend to, and day about; namely, to gather grapes or cut vines, and to fell wood in the forest to lade our vessel." This advice was followed. It is related that their stern boat was filled with grapes, and then a cargo of wood was hewn for the vessel. (61) Towards spring they made ready and sailed away, and Leif gave the country a name from its products, and called it Vinland. (62) They now sailed into the open sea and had a fair wind until they came in sight of Greenland and the lands below the ice mountains. Then a man put in a word and said to Leif, "Why do you steer so close on the wind?" Leif replied: "I mind my helm and tend to other things too; do you notice anything?" They said that they saw nothing remarkable. "I do not know," said Leif, "whether I see a ship or a rock." Then they looked and saw that it was a rock. But he saw so much better than they, that he discovered men upon the rock. "Now I will," said Leif, "that we hold to the wind, that we may come up to them if they should need help; and if they should not be friendly inclined, it is in our power to do as we please and not theirs." Now they sailed under the rock, lowered their sails, cast anchor, and put out another small boat which they had with them. Then Tyrker asked who their leader was. He said his name was Thorer, and said he was a Northman; (63) "But what is your name?" said he. Leif told him his name. "Are you the son of Eric the Red of Brattahlid?" he asked. Leif said that was so. "Now I will," said Leif, "take ye and all on board my ship, and as much of the goods as the ship will store." They took up this offer, and sailed away to Ericfiord with the cargo, and from thence to Brattahlid, where they unloaded the ship. Leif offered Thorer and his wife, Gudrid, and three others, lodging with himself, and offering lodging elsewhere for the rest of the people, both of Thorer's crew and his own. Leif took fifteen men from the rock, and thereafter was called, Leif the Lucky. After that time Leif advanced greatly in wealth and consideration. That winter, sickness came among Thorer's people and he himself, and a great part of his crew, died. The same winter Eric Red died. This expedition to Vinland was much talked of, and Leif's brother, Thorvald, thought that the country had not been explored enough in different places. Then Leif said to Thorvald, "You may go, brother, in my ship to Vinland if you like; but I will first send the ship for the timber which Thorer left upon the rock." So it was done.
SECOND NARRATIVE
The same spring King Olaf, as said before, sent Gissur (64) and Hialte (65) to Iceland. The king also sent Leif to Greenland to proclaim Christianity there. The king sent with him a priest and some other religious men, to baptize the people and teach them the true faith. Leif sailed the same summer to Greenland; he took up out of the ocean the people of a ship who were on a wreck completely destroyed, and in a perishing condition. On this same voyage he discovered Vinland the Good, (66) and came at the close of summer to Brattahlid, to his father Eric. After that time the people called him, Leif the Fortunate; but his father Eric said that these two things went against one another; that Leif had saved the crew of the ship, and delivered them from death, and that he had [brought] that bad man into Greenland, that is what he called the priest; but after much urging, Eric was baptized, (67) as well as all the people of Greenland.
THIRD NARRATIVE
The same winter, Leif, the son of Eric the Red, was in high favor with King Olaf, and embraced Christianity. But the summer that Gissur went to Iceland, King Olaf sent Leif to Greenland, to proclaim Christianity. He sailed the same summer for Greenland. He found some men in the sea on a wreck, and helped them; the same voyage, (68) he discovered Vinland the Good, and came at harvest time to Greenland. He brought with him a priest and other religious (69) men, and went to live at Brattahlid with his father Eric. He was afterward called, Leif the Fortunate. But his father Eric said, that these two things were opposed to one another, because Leif had saved the crew of the ship, and brought evil men to Greenland, meaning the priests.
V. THORVALD ERICSON'S EXPEDITION
The greater portion of this voyage appears to have been performed during two summers, the expedition, after visiting the Bay of Boston, finally returning to Greenland on account of the death of their leader. The narrative is taken from Codex Flatöiensis, as given in Antiquitates Americanæ.
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Now Thorvald [A.D. 1002] made ready for his voyage with thirty men, after consulting his brother Leif. They rigged their ship, and put to sea. Nothing is related of this expedition until they came to Vinland, to the booths put up by Leif, where they secured the ship and tackle, and remained quiet all winter and lived by fishing. In the spring [A.D. 1003] Thorvald ordered the vessel to be rigged, and that some men should proceed in the long-boat westward along the coast, and explore it during the summer. (70) They thought the country beautiful and well wooded, the distance small between the forest and the sea, and the strand full of white sand. There were also many islands and very shallow water. They found no abode for man or beast, but on an island far toward the west they found a corn barn constructed of wood. (71) They found no other traces of human work, and came back in the autumn to Leif's booths. The following spring [A.D. 1004] Thorvald, with his merchant ship, proceeded eastward, and toward the north along the land. Opposite to a cape (72) they met bad weather, and drove upon the land and broke the keel, and remained there a long time to repair the vessel. Thorvald said to his companions: "We will stick up the keel here upon the ness, and call the place Kialarness;" which they did. Then they sailed away eastward along the country, entering the mouths of the bays, to a point of land which was every where covered with woods. They moored the vessel to the land, laid out gangways to the shore, and Thorvald, with all his ship's company, landed. He said, "Here it is so beautiful, and I would willingly set up my abode here." (73) They afterward went on board, and saw three specks upon the sand within the point, and went to them and found there were three skin boats with three men under each boat. They divided their men and took all of them prisoners, except one man, who escaped with his boat. They killed eight of them, and then went to the point and looked about them. Within this bay they saw several eminences, which they took to be habitations. Then a great drowsiness came upon them and they could not keep themselves awake, but all of them fell asleep. (74) A sudden scream came to them, and they all awoke; and mixed with the scream they thought they heard the words: "Awake, Thorvald, with all thy comrades, if ye will save your lives. Go on board your ship as fast as you can, and leave this land without delay." In the same moment an innumerable multitude, from the interior of the bay, came in skin boats and laid themselves alongside. Then said Thorvald, "We shall put up our war screens (75) along the gunwales and defend ourselves as well as we can, but not use our weapons much against them." They did so accordingly. The Skrællings (76) shot at them for a while, and then fled away as fast as they could. Then Thorvald asked if anyone was wounded, and they said nobody was hurt. He said: "I have a wound under the arm. (77) An arrow flew between the gunwale and the shield under my arm: here is the arrow, and it will be my death wound. Now I advise you to make ready with all speed to return; but ye shall carry me to the point which I thought would be so convenient for a dwelling. It may be that it was true what I said, that here would I dwell for a while. Ye shall bury me there, and place a cross at my head and one at my feet, and call the place Crossness." Christianity had been established in Greenland at this time; (78) but Eric Red was dead (79) before Christianity was introduced. Now Thorvald died, and they did everything as he had ordered. Then they went away in search of their fellow voyagers, (80) and they related to each other all the news. They remained in their dwelling all winter, and gathered vines and grapes, (81) and put them on board their ships. Toward spring, they prepared to return to Greenland, where they arrived with their vessel, and landed at Ericsfiord, bringing heavy tidings to Leif.
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VI. THORSTEIN ERICSON'S ATTEMPT TO FIND VINLAND
This version is from Codex Flatöiensis, and is given in Antiquitates Americanæ, pp. 47-55. The expedition was wholly unsuccessful, and the leader finally died without reaching the desired land. One cannot help believing, not withstanding the marvellous events recorded, that the basis of this account is formed of solid fact. The narrative is not one likely to have been invented by an imposter, especially as there was no motive suggesting impostur.
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In the meantime it had happened in Greenland that Thorstein of Ericsfiord had married and taken to wife [A.D. 1005] Gudrid, (82) the daughter of Thorbiorn, who had been married, as before related, to Thorer, the Eastman. (83) Thorstein Ericson bethought him now that he would go to Vinland for his brother Thorvald's body. He rigged out the same vessel and chose an able and stout crew. He had with him twenty five men and his wife Gudrid, and as soon as they were ready he put to sea. They quickly lost sight of the land. They drove about on the ocean the whole summer without knowing where they were, (84) and in the first week of winter (85) they landed at Lysifiord in Greenland, in the western settlement. Thorstein looked for lodgings for his men and got his whole ship's crew accomodated, but not himself and wife, so that for some nights they had to sleep on board. At that time Christianity was but recent in Greenland. One day, early in the morning, some men came to their tent and the leader asked them what people were in the tent? Thorstein replies, "Two; who is it that asks?" "Thorstein," was the reply, "and I am called Thorstein the Black, and it is my errand here to offer thee and thy wife lodging beside me." Thorstein said he would speak to his wife about it, and as she gave her consent he agreed to it. "Then I shall come for you tomorrow with my horses, (86) for I do not want means to entertain you; but few care to live in my house; I and my wife live lonely, and I am very gloomy. I have also a different religion (87) from yours, although I think the one you have the best." Now the following morning he came for them with horses, and they took up their abode with Thorstein Black, who was very friendly toward them. Gudrid had a good outward appearance and was knowing, and understood well how to behave with strangers. Early in the winter a sickness prevailed among Thorstein Ericson's people, and many of his shipmen died. He ordered that coffins should be made for the bodies of the dead and that they should be brought on board and stowed away carefully, for he said, "I will transport all the bodies to Ericsfiord in summer." (88) It was not long before sickness broke out in Thorstein Black's house, and his wife, who was called Grimhild, fell sick first. She was very stout and as strong as a man, but yet she could not bear up against the illness. Soon after Thorstein Ericson also fell sick and they both lay ill in bed at the same time; but Grimhild, Thorstein Black's wife, died first. When she was dead, Thorstein went out of the room for a skin to lay over the corpse. Then Gudrid said, "My dear Thorstein, be not long away," which he promised. Then said Thorstein Ericson, "Our housewife is wonderful, for she raises herself up with her elbows, moves herself forward over the bed-frame, and is feeling for her shoes." In the same moment, Thorstein the Goodman, came back, and instantly, Grimhild laid herself down, so that it made every beam that was in the house crack. Thorstein now made a coffin for Grimhild's corpse, removed it outside, and buried it. He was a stout and strong man, but it required all his strength to remove the corpse from the house. Now Thorstein Ericson's illness increased upon him, and he died, which Gudrid his wife took with great grief. They were all in the room, and Gudrid had set herself upon a stool before the bench on which her husband Thorstein's body lay. Now Thorstein the Goodman took Gudrid from the stool in his arms, and set himself with her upon a bench just opposite to Thorstein's body, (89) and spoke much with her. He consoled her, and promised to go with her in summer to Ericsfiord, with her husband Thorstein's corpse, and those of his crew. "And," said he, "I shall take with me many servants to console and assist." She thanked him for this. Thorstein Ericson then raised himself up and said, "Where is Gudrid?" And thrice he said this; but she was silent. Then she said to Thorstein the Goodman, "Shall I give answer or not?" He told her not to answer. Then went Thorstein the Goodman across the room, and sat down in a chair, and Gudrid set herself on his knee; and Thorstein the Goodman said: "What wilt thou make known?" After a while the corpse replies, "I wish to tell Gudrid her fate beforehand, that she may be the better able to bear my death; for I have come to a blessed resting place. This I have now to tell thee, Gudrid, that thou wilt be married to an Iceland man, and ye will live long together and from you will descend many men, brave, gallant and wise, and a well-pleasing race of posterity. Ye shall go from Greenland to Norway, and from thence to Iceland, where ye shall dwell. Long will ye live together, but thou wilt survive him; and then thou shalt go abroad, and go southward, (90) and shall return to thy home in Iceland. And there must a church be built, and thou must remain there and be consecrated a nun, and there end thy days." (91) And then Thorstein sank backward, and his corpse was put in order and carried to the ship. Thorstein the Goodman did all that he had promised. He sold in spring [A.D. 1006] his land and cattle, and went with Gudrid and all her goods; made ready the ship, got men for it, and then went to Ericsfiord. The body was buried at the church. (92) Gudrid went to Leif's at Brattahlid, and Thorstein the Black took his abode in Ericsfiord, and dwelt there as long as he lived; and was reckoned an able man.
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VII. THORFINN KARLSEFNE'S EXPEDITION TO VINLAND
This was in many respects the most important expedition to New England, both as regards the numbers engaged, and the information and experience derived. We have three different accounts of the expedition. The first is from the somewhat lengthy Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, in the Arnæ-Magnæan Collection; the second is from the Saga of Eric the Red, being called "The Account of Thorfinn;" while the third is a briefer relation from Codex Flatöiensis. The first two may be found in Rafn's Antiquitates Americanæ, pp. 75-200; while the last is also given in the same work, on pp. 55-64.
The Saga of Karlsefne is occupied largely at the beginning with accounts of various matters connected with social life; yet, as such subjects are not essential to the treatment of the voyage, they are all omitted, except the account of Thorfinn's marriage with the widow of Thorstein Ericson.
The notes to the narrative of Leif's expedition, which precede this Saga in the chronological order, do away with the necessity of treating a number of important points suggested again in the present narrative.
It is believed that the principal manuscript of Thorfinn Karlsefne is an autograph by one of his descendants, the celebrated Hauk Erlander, the Governor of Lagman of Iceland, in 1295, who also was one of the compilers of the Landnama-bok. Erlander was the ninth in descent from Thorfinn. Torfæus, who supposed that this manuscript was lost, knew it only through corrupt extracts in the collection of Biörn Johnson.
There will be found a substantial agreement between the different accounts, notwithstanding they may not have been composed by eye witnesses. The differences are evidently such as would not appear in the case of three writers who had banded together for the purpose of carrying out a historical fraud. The Saga of Thorfinn, we may again remind the student, was written in Iceland, while that of Eric was composed in Greenland. The account from the Flatö Manuscript was, of course, written in the island which bears that name, and is extremely brief, wanting many essential particulars. Indeed it is time that we had done talking about fraud in connection with the work of the Icelanders, who knew no spirit of rivalry and were not competing with any foreign claimants.
NARRATIVE OF THORFINN KARLSEFNE
There was a man named Thord who dwelt at Höfda, in Höfda-Strand. He married Fridgerda, daughter of Thorer the Idle, and of Fridgerda the daughter of Kiarval, King of the Irish. Thord was the son of Biarne Butter-(93) Tub, son of Thorvald, son of Aslak, son of Biarne Ironsides, son of Ragnar Lodbrok. They had a son named Snorre, who married Thorhild the Partridge, daughter of Thord Geller. They had a son named Thord Horsehead. Thorfinn Karlsefne (94) was his son, whose mother's name was Thoruna. Thorfinn occupied his time in merchant voyages and was thought a good trader. One summer he fitted out his ship for a voyage to Greenland, attended by Snorre Thorbrandson of Alptafiord, and a crew of forty men. There was a man named Biarne Grimolfson of Breidafiord, and another named Thorhall Gamlason of Austfiord. These men fitted out a ship at the same time to voyage to Greenland. They also had a crew of forty men. This ship and that of Thorfinn, as soon as they were ready, put to sea. It is not said how long they were on the voyage; it is only told that both ships arrived at Ericsfiord in the autumn of that year. Leif (95) and other people rode down to the ships and friendly exchanges were made. The captians requested Leif to take whatever he desired of their goods. Leif, in return entertained them well and invited the principal men of both ships to spend the winter with him at Brattahlid. The merchants accepted his invitation with thanks. Afterward their goods were moved to Brattahlid, where they had every entertainment that they could desire; therefore their winter quarters pleased them much. When the Yule feast began, Leif was silent and more depressed than usual. Then Karlsefne said to Leif: "Are you sick, friend Leif? you do not seem to be in your usual spirits. You have entertained us most liberally, for which we desire to render you all the service in our power. Tell me what it is that ails you." "You have received what I have been able to offer you," said Leif, "in the kindest manner and there is no idea in my mind that you have been wanting in courtesy; but I am afraid lest when you go away it may be said that you never saw a Yule (96) feast so meanly celelbrated as that which draws near at which you will be entertained by Leif of Brattahlid." "That shall never be the case, friend," said Karlsefne, "we have ample stores in the ship; take of these what you wish and make a feast as splendid as you please." Leif accepted this offer and the Yule began. So well were Leif's plans made, that all were surprised that such a rich feast could be prepared in so poor a country. After the Yule feast, Karlsefne began to treat with Leif, as to the marriage of Gudrid, Leif being the person to whom the right of betrothal belonged. Leif gave a favorable reply, and said she must fulfill that destiny which fate had assigned, (97) and that he had heard of none except a good report of hm; and in the end it turned out that Karlsefne married Gudrid, and their wedding was held at Brattahlid, this same winter.
[A.D. 1007] The conversation often turned at Brattahlid, on the discovery of Vinland the Good, and they said that a voyage there had great hope of gain. (98) After this Karlsefne and Snorre made ready for going on a voyage there the following spring. Biarne and Thorhall Gamlason, before mentioned, joined with a ship. There was a man named Thorvard, who married Freydis, natural daughter of Eric Red, and he decided to go with them, as did also Thorvald, son (99) of Eric. Thorhall, commonly called the Hunter, who had been the huntsman of Eric in the summer, and his steward in the winter, also went. This Thorhall was a man of immense size and of great strength, and dark complexion and taciturn, and when he spoke, it was always jestingly. He was always inclined to give Leif evil advice. He was an enemy to Christianity. He knew much about desert lands; and was in the same ship with Thorvord and Thorvald. These used the ship which brough Thorbiorn from Iceland. There was in all, forty men and a hundred. (100) They sailed to the West district [of Greenland], and thence to Biarney; (101) hence they sailed south a night and a day. Then land was seen, and they launched a boat and explored the land; they found flat stones, many of which were twelve ells broad. There were a great number of foxes there. They called the land Helluland. (102) Then they sailed a day and a night in a southerly course, and came to aland covered with woods, in which there were many wild animals. Beyond this land to the southeast, lay an island on which they slew a bear. They called the island Bear island, (103) and the land, Markland. Thence they sailed long south by the land and came to a cape. The land lay on the right [starboard] side of the ship, and there were long shores of sand. They came to land, and found on the cape, the keel of a ship, from which they called the place Kiarlarness, (104) and the shores they also called Wonder-strand, because it seemed so long sailing by. (105) Then the land became indented with coves, and they ran the ship into a bay, (106) wither they directed their course. King Olaf Tryggvesson had given Leif two Scots, (107) a man named Haki and a woman named Hekia; they were swifter of foot than wild animals. These were in Karlsefne's ship. When they had passed beyond Wonder-strand, they put these Scots ashore, and told them to run over the land to the south-west, three days, and discover the nature of the land, and then return. They had a kind of garment that they called kiafal, that was so made that a hat was on top, and it was open at the sides, and no arms; fastened between the legs with a button and strap, otherwise they were naked. When they returned, one had in his hand a bunch of grapes, and the other a spear of wheat. They went on board, and afterward the course was obstructed by another bay. Beyond this bay was an island, (108) on each side of which was a rapid current, that they called the Isle of Currents. (109) There was so great a number of eider ducks (110) there, that they could hardly step without treading on their eggs. They called this place Stream Bay. (111) Here they brought their ships to land, and prepared to stay. They had with them all kinds of cattle. The situation of the place (112) was pleasant, but they did not care for any thing, except to explore the land. Here they wintered without sufficient food. The next summer [A.D. 1008], failing to catch fish, they began to want food. Then Thorhall the Hunter disappeared.
They found Thorhall, whom they sought three days, on the top of a rock, where he lay breathing, blowing through his nose and mouth, and muttering. They asked why he had gone there. He replied that this was nothing that concerned them. (113). They said that he should go home with them, which he did. Afterward a whale was cast ashore (114) in that place; and they assembled and cut it up, not knowing what kind of whale it was. They boiled it with water, and ate it, and were taken sick. Then Thorhall said: "Now you see that Thor (115) is more prompt to give aid than your Christ. This was cast ashore as a reward for the hymn which I composed to my patron Thor, who rarely forsakes me." (116) When they knew this, they cast all the remains of the whale into the sea, and commended their affairs to God. After which the air became milder, and opportunities were given for fishing. From that time there was an abundance of food; and there were beasts on the land, eggs in the island, and fish in the sea.
They say that Thorhall desired to northward around Wonder-strand to explore Vinland, but Karlsefne wished to go along the shore south. Then Thorhall prepared himself at the island, (117) but did not have more than nine men in his whole company, and all the others went in the company of Karlsefne. When Thorhall was carrying water to his ship, he sang this verse:
"People said when hither I
Came, that I the best
Drink would have, but the land
It justly becomes me to blame;
I, a warrior, am now obliged
To, bear the pail;
Wine touches not my lips,
But I bow down to the spring."
When they had made ready and were about to sail, Thorhall sang:
"Let us return
Thither where [our] country-men rejoice,
Let the ship try
The smooth ways of the sea;
While the strong heroes
Live on Wonder-strand
And there boil whales,
Which is an honor to the land." (118)
Afterward he sailed north to go around Wonder-strand and Kiarlarness, but when he wished to sail westward, they were met by a storm from the west and driven to Ireland, where they were beaten and made slaves. As merchants (119) reported, there Thorhall died.
It is said that Karlsefne, with Snorre and Biarne and his comrades, sailed along the coast south. They sailed long until they came to a river flowing down from the land through a lake into the sea, where there were sandy shoals, where it was impossible to pass up, except with the highest tide. Karlsefne sailed up to the mouth of the river with his folk, and called the place Hop. (120) Having come to the land, they saw that where the ground was low corn (121) grew, and where it was higher, vines were found. Every river was full of fish.
They dug pits where the land began, and where the land was highest; and when the tide went down, there were sacred fish (122) in the pits. There were a great number of all kinds of wild beasts in the woods. They stayed there half a month and enjoyed themselves, and did not notice anything; they had their cattle with them. Early one morning, when they looked around, they saw a great many skin boats, and poles were swung upon them, and it sounded like reeds shaken by the wind, and they pointed to the sun. (123) Then said Karlsefne, "What may this mean?" Snorre Thorbrandson replied, "It may be that this is a sign of peace, so let us take a white shield and hold it toward them" They did so. Thereupon they rowed toward them, wondering at them, and came to land. These people were swarthy and fierce, and had bushy hair on their heads; they had very large eyes and broad cheeks. They stayed there for a time, and gazed upon those they met, and afterward rowed away southward around the ness.
Karlsefne and his people had made their houses above the lake, and some of the houses were near the lake, and others more distant. They wintered there, and there was no snow, and all their cattle fed themselves on the grass. (124) But when spring came [A.D. 1009] they saw one morning early, that a number of canoes rowed from the south around the ness; so many, as if the sea were sown with coal; poles were also swung on each boat. Karlsefne and his people then raised up the shield, and when they came together they began to trade. These people would rather have red cloth; for this they offered skins and real furs. They would also buy swords and spears, but this, Karlsefne and Snorre forbade. For a whole fur skin, the Skrællings took a piece of red cloth, a span long and bound it round their heads. Thus went on their traffic for a time. Next the cloth began to be scarce with Karlsefne and his people, and they cut it up into small pieces, which were not wider than a finger's breath, and yet the Skrællings gave just as much as before and more.
It happened that a bull, which Karlsefne had, ran out of the wood and roared aloud; this frightened the Skrællings, and they rushed to their canoes and rowed away toward the south. After that they were not seen for three whole weeks. But at the end of that time, a great number of Skrælling's ships were seen coming from the south like a rushing torrent, all the poles turned from the sun, and they all yelled very loud. Then Karlsefne's people took a red (125) shield and held it toward them. The Skrællings leaped out of their vessels, and after this, they went against each other and fought. There was a hot shower of weapons, because the Skrællings had slings. (126) Karlsefne's people saw that they raised upon a pole, a very large ball, something like a sheep's paunch, and of a blue color; this they swung from the pole over Karlsefne's men, upon the ground, and it made a great noise as it fell down. (127) This caused great fear with Karlsefne and his men, so that they only thought of running away; and they retreated along the river, for it seemed to them that the Skrællings pressed them on all sides. They did not stop until they came to some rocks where they made a bold stand. Freydis came out and saw that Karlsefne's people fell back, and she cried out, "Why do you run, strong men as you are, before these miserable creatures whom I thought you would knock down like cattle? If I had arms, methinks I could fight better than any of you." They gave no heed to her words. Freydis would go with them, but she was slower because she was pregnant; still she followed after them in the woods. She found a dead man in the woods; it was Thorbrand Snorreson, and there stood a flat stone stuck in his head; the sword lay naked by his side. THis she took up and made ready to defend herself. Then came the Skrællings toward her; she drew out her breasts from under her clothes and dashed them against the naked sword. By this the Skrællings became frightened and ran off to their ships and rowed away. (128) Karlsefne and his men then came up and praised her courage. Two men fell on Karlsefne's side, but a number of the Skrællings. Karlsefne's band was overmatched. Next they went home to their dwelling and bound up their wounds, and considered what crowd that was that pressed upon them from the land side. It now seemed to them that it could have hardly been real people from the ships, but that these must have been optical illusions. The Skrællings also found a dead man and an axe lay by him; one of them took up the axe and cut wood with it, and then after another did the same and thought it was a fine thing and cut well. After that one took it and cut at a stone so that the axe broke, and then they thought that it was of no use because it would not cut stone, and they cast it away. (129)
Karlsefne and his people now thought they saw, that although the land had many good qualities, they still would always be exposed to the fear of attacks from the original dwellers. They decided, therefore, to go away and to return to their own land. They coasted northward along the shore, (130) and found five Skrællings clad in skins, sleeping near the sea. They had with them vessels containing animal marrow mixed with blood. (131) Karlsefne's people thought that these men had been banished from the land; they killed them. After that they came to a ness, and many wild beasts were there, and the ness was covered all over with dung from the beasts which had lain there during the night. Now they came back to Straumfiord, and there was a plenty of everything that they wanted to have. [It is thus that some men say that Biarne and Gudrid stayed behind and one hundred men with them, and did not go farther; but that Karlsefne and Snorre went southward with forty men with them, and were no longer in Hop than barely two months, and the same summer came back.] (132) Karlsefne then went with one ship to seek Thorhall the Hunter, but the rest remained behind, and they sailed northward past Kiarlarness, and thence westward, and the land was upon their larboard hand. There were wild woods over all, as far as they could see, and scarcely any open places. When they had sailed long a river ran out of the land east and west. They sailed into the mouth of the river, and lay by its bank. (133)
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It chanced one morning that Karlsefne and his people saw opposite in an open place in the woods, a speck which glittered in their sight, and they called out towards it, and it was a Uniped, (134) which thereupon hurried down to the bank of the river, where they lay. Thorvald Ericson stood at the helm, and the Uniped shot an arrow into his bowels. Thorvald drew out the arrow and said: "It has killed me! To a rich land we have come, but hardly shall we enjoy any benefit from it." Thorvald soon after died (135) of his wound. Upon this the Uniped ran away to the northward. Karlsefne and his people went after him, and saw him now and then, and the last time they saw him, he ran out into a bay. Then they turned back, and a man sang these verses:
The people chased
A uniped
Down to the beach,
Behold he ran
Straight over the sea---
Hear thou, Thorfinn!
They drew off to the northward, and saw the country of the Unipeds, but they would not then expose their men any longer. They looked upon the mountain range that was at Hop, and that which they now found, (136) as all one, and it also appeared to be of equal length from Straumfiord to both places. The third winter they were in Straumfiord. They now became much divided by party feeling, and the women were the cause of it, for those who were unmarried would injure those who were married, and hence arose great disturbance. There was born the first autumn, Snorre, Karlsefne's son, and he was three years old when they went away. When they sailed from Vinland they had a south wind, and then came to Markland, and found there, five Skrællings, one was bearded; two were females, and two boys; they took the boys, but the others escaped, and the Skrællings sank down in the ground. (137) These boys they took with them; they taught them the language, and they were baptized. They called their mother Vathelldi, and their father, Uvæge. They said that two kings ruled over the Skrællings, and that one was named Avalldania, but the other Valldidia. (138) They said that no houses were there. People lived in caves or in holes. They said there was a land on the other side, just opposite their country, where people lived who wore white clothes, and carried poles before them, and to these were fastened flags, and they shouted loud; and the people think that this was White-man's land, or Great Ireland. (139)
Biarne Grimolfson was driven with his ship into the Irish ocean, and they came into a worm sea, (140) and soon the ship began to sink under them. They had a boat which was smeared with sea oil, for the worms do not attack that. They went into the boat, and then saw that it could not hold them all. Then said Biarne: "As the boat will not hold more than half of our men, it is my counsel that lots should be drawn for those to go in the boat, for it shall not be according to rank." This, they all thought so generous an offer, that no one would oppose it. They then did so that lots were drawn, and it fell to Biarne to go in the boat, and the half of the men with him, for the boat had not room for more. But when they had gotten into the boat, an Icelandic man that was in the ship, and had come with Biarne from Iceland, said: "Dost thou mean, Biarne, to leave me here?" Biarne said: "So it seems." Then said the other: "Very different was the promise to my father, when I went with thee from Iceland, than thus to leave me, for thou said that we should both share the same fate." Biarne said, "It shall not be thus; go down into the boat, and I will go up into the ship, since I see that thou art so anxious to live." (141) Then Biarne went up into the ship, and this man down into the boat, and after that they went on their voyage, until they came to Dublin, in Ireland, and there told these things; but it is most people's belief that Biarne and his companions were lost in the worm sea, for nothing was heard of them after that time.
THE ACCOUNT OF THORFINN
That same winter [A.D. 1006-7], there was much discussion about the affairs of Brattahlid; and they set up the game of chess, and sought amusement in the reciting of history, (142) and in many other things, and were able to pass life joyfully. Karlsefne and Snorre resolved to seek Vinland, but there was much discussion about it. It turned out that Karlsefne and Snorre prepared their ships to seek Vinland the following summer. [A.D. 1007]. In this enterprise Biarne and Thorhall joined as comrades with their own ship and crew, who were their followers. There was a man named Thorvald, a relation (143) of Eric. Thorhall was called the Hunter. He long had hunted with Eric in summer, and had the care of many things. Thorhall was of great stature, large and swarthy face, of a hard nature, taciturn, saying little of affairs, and nevertheless crafty and malicious, always inclined to evil, and opposed in his mind to the Christian religion, from its first introduction into Greenland. Thorhall indulged in trifling, but nevertheless Eric was used to his familiarity. He went in the ship with Thorvald, and was well acquainted with uninhabitable places. He used the ship in which Thorbiorn came; and Karlsefne engaged comrades for the expedition; and the best part of the sailors of Greenland were with him. They carried in their ships, forty and a hundred men. Afterward they sailed to West bygd and Biarney-isle. They sailed from Biarney-isle with a north wind, and were on the sea a day and night, when they found land, and, sending a boat to the shore, explored the land, where they found many flat stones of such great size, that they exceeded in length the size of two men. There were foxes there. They gave the land a name, and called it Helluland. After this, they sailed a night and a day with a north wind. They came to a land in which were great woods and many animals. South-west, opposite the land, lay an island. Here they found a bear, and called the island, Bear island. This land, where there were woods, they called Markland. After a voyage of a day and a night, they saw land, and they sailed near the land and saw that it was a cape; they kept close to the shore with the wind on the starboard side, and left the land upon the right side of the ship. There were places without harbors, long shores and sands. (144) When they went to the shore with a boat, they found the keel of a ship, and they called the place Kiarlarness; (145) and they gave the shore a name, and called it Wonder-strand, because they were so long going by. Then another bay extended into the land, and they steered into the bay. (146) When Leif was with King Olaf Tryggvesson, he sent him to establish the Christian religion in Greenland; then the king gave him two Scots-folk, a man named Hake, and a woman named Hekia. The king told Leif to take them with his men, if he would have his commands done quickly, as they were swifter than beasts. These folk, Leif and Eric gave to Karlsefne, as followers. When they were come opposite Wonder-strand, they put the Scots on the shore, and told them to run southward and explore the country, and return before the end of three days. They were thus clothed having a garment called a Biafal; (147) it was made so that a hat was on top, open at the sides, without arms, buttoned between the legs, and fastened with a button and a strap; and the rest was bare.
They came to anchor and lay by, until the three days passed, (148) when they returned, one having in his hand a vine, and the other self-sown wheat. Karlsefne said that they had found a fruitful land. Afterward they were received into the ship, and they went on their way until a bay intersected the land. They steered the ship into the bay. On the outside was an island, (149) and there was a great tide around the island. This they called Straumey. (150) There was a great number of birds, and it was scarcely possible to find a place for their feet among the eggs. Then they steered into a long bay which they called Straumfiord, where they landed from their ships and began to prepare habitations. (151) They brought with them all kinds of cattle, and they found sufficient pasturage. There were mountains and the prospect was pleasant; but the cared for nothing except to explore the land; there was a great abundance of grass. Here they wintered, and the winter was severe, and they did not have stores laid up, they began to be in want of food and failed to catch fish. So they sailed over to the island, (152) hoping that they might find means of subsistence either on what they could catch or what was cast ashore. But they found but little better fare though the cattle were better off. [A.D. 1008]. Afterward they prayed to God to send them food, which prayer was not answered as soon as desired. Then Thorhall disappeared and a search was made which lasted three days. On the morning of the fourth day Karlsefne and Biarne found him lying on the top of a rock; there he lay stretched out, with open eyes, blowing through his mouth, and muttering to himself. They asked him why he had gone there. He replied that it did not concern them and not to wonder as he was old enough to take care of himself without their troubling themselves with his affairs. They asked him to go home with them; this he did. After that a whale was cast up and they ran down to cut it up; nevertheless they did not know what kind it was. Neither did Karlsefne, though acquainted with whales, know this one. Then the cooks dressed the whale and they all ate of it and it made them all sick. Then Thorhall said, "It is clear now that the Red-beard is more prompt to give aid than your Christ. This food is a reward for a hymn which I made to my god Thor, who has seldom deserted me." When they heard this none would eat any more, and threw what was left from the rock, committing themselves to God. After this the opportunity was given of going after fish, and there was no lack of food. They sailed into Straumfiord (153) and had abundance of food and hunting on the mainland, with many eggs and fish from the sea.
Now they began to consider where they should settle next. Thorhall, the Hunter, wished to go northward around Wonder-strand and Kiarlarness to explore Vinland, but Karlsefne wished to go south-west, thinking likely that there would be larger tracts of country the further they went south. Thorhall made ready at the island (154) and only nine men went with him; all the rest of the ship folk went with Karlsefne. One day Thorhall was carrying water to his ship; he drank it and sang this verse:
"People promised me when hither I
Came, then the best drink
I should have; but the country
I must denounce to all;
Here you are forced by hand
To bear the pail to the water,
I must bend me down to the spring;
Wine did not come to my lips."
Afterward they left the land and Karlsefne went with them to the island. Before they hoisted sail, Thorhall sang these verses:
"Let us return
Home to our countrymen,
Let the vessel try
The broad path of the sea;
While the persevering
Men who praise the land
Are building (155) and boil the whales
Here on Wonder-strand."
There upon they sailed northward around Wonder-strand and Kialarness. But when they wished to cruise westward, a storm came against them, and drove them to Ireland, where they were beaten and made slaves. There Thorhall passed his life. (156)
Karlsefne, with Snorre and Biarne and the rest of his comrades, sailed south. They sailed long until they came to a river, which flowed from the land through a lake, and passed into the sea. Before the mouth of the river were great islands, and they were not able to enter the river except at the highest tide. (157) Karlsefne sailed into the mouth of the river, and called the land Hop. There they found fields, where the land was low, with wild corn, and where the land was high, were vines. Every river was full of fish. They made pits in the sand, where the tide rose highest, and at low tide, sacred fish were found in these pits, and in the woods was a great number of all kinds of beasts. Here they stayed half a month, enjoying themselves, but observing nothing new. Early one morning, on looking around, they saw nine skin boats, in which were poles that, vibrating toward the sun, gave out a sound like reeds shaken by the wind. Then Karlsefne said: "What think you, does this mean?" Snorre said: "It is possible that it is a sign of peace; let us raise up a white shield and hold it toward them:" this they did. Then they rowed toward them, wondering at them, and came to land. These men were small of stature and fierce, having a bushy head of hair, and very great eyes and wide cheeks. They remained some time wondering at them, and afterward rowed southward around the cape. (158) They built dwellings beyond the lake, others made houses near the mainland, and others near the lake. Here they spent the winter. No snow fell, (159) and all their cattle fed under the open sky. They decided to explore all the mountains (160) that were in Hop; which done, they [A.D. 1009] went and passed the third winter in Straum bay. At this time they had much contention among themselves, and the unmarried women vexed the married. The first autumn, Snorre, Karlsefne's son, was born, and he [was three years old] when they went away. They had a south wind, and came to Markland, and found five Skrællings, of whome one was a man, and two women, and two were boys. Karlsefne took the boys, and the others escaped and sank into the earth. They carried the boys away with them, and taught them the language, and they were baptized. The name of their mother was Vatheldi, and their father, Uvæge. They said that two kings ruled over the Skrællinger's land; one was named Avalldania, and the other, Valldidia; (161) that they had no houses, but lived in dens and caves. In another part of the country, there was a region where the people wore white clothes, and shouted loud, and carried poles with flags. This they thought to be White-man's land.
After this they came into Greenland, and passed the winter with Leif, son of Eric Red. Biarne Grimolfson was carried out into the Greenland (162) sea, and came into a worm sea, which they did not observe, until their ship was full of worm holes. They considered what should be done. They had a stern boat, smeared with oil. They say the wood covered with oil, the worms will not bore. The result of the council was, that as many should go into the boat as it would hold. It then appeared that the boat would not hold more than one-half of the men. Then Biarne ordered that the men should go in the boat by lot, and not according to rank. As it would not hold all, they accepted the saying, and when the lots were drawn, the men went out of the ship into the boat. The lot was, that Biarne should go down from the ship to the boat with one-half of the men. Then those to whom the lot fell, went down from the ship to the boat. When they had come into the boat, a young Icelander, who was the companion of Biarne, said: "Now thus do you intend to leave me, Biarne?" Biarne replied, "That now seems necessary." He replied with these words: "Thou art not true to the promise when I left my father's house in Iceland." Biarne replied: "In this thing I do not see any other way;" continuing, "What course can you suggest?" He said, "I see this, that we change places and thou come up here and I go down there." Biarne replied: "Let it be so, since I see that you are so anxious to live, and are frightened by the prospect of death." Then they changed places, and he descended into the boat with the men, and Biarne went up into the ship. It is related that Biarne, and the sailors with him in the ship, perished in the worm sea. Those who went in the boat, went on their course until they came to land, where they told all these things. (163)
After the next summer, Karlsefne went to Iceland with his son Snorre, and he went to his own home at Reikianess. The daughter of Snorre, son of Karlsefne, was Hallfrida, mother to Bishop Thorlak Runolfson. They had a son named Thorbiorn, whose daughter was named Thoruna, mother of Bishop Biarne. Thorgeir was the name of the other son of Snorre, Karlsefne's son, father to Ingveld, and mother of the first bishop of Brand. And this is the end of the history.
THIRD NARRATIVE
That same summer came a ship from Norway to Greenland. The man was called Thorfinn Karlsefne who steered the ship. He was a son of Thord Hesthöfde, a son of Snorre Thordarson, from Höfda. Thorfinn Karlsefne was a man of great wealth, and was in Brattahlid with Leif Ericsson. Soon he fell in love with Gudrid, and courted her, and she referred to Leif to answer for her. Afterward she was betrothed to him, and their wedding was held the same winter. At this time, as before, much was spoken about a Vinland voyage; and both Gudrid and others persuaded Karlsefne much to that expedition. Now this expedition was resolved upon, and they got ready a crew of sixty men, and five women; (164) and then they made the agreement, Karlsefne and his people, that each of them should have equal share in what they made of gain. They had with them all kinds of cattle, (165) having the intention to settle in the land, if they could. Karlsefne asked Leif for his houses in Vinland, but he said he would lend them, but not give them. Then they put to sea with the ship, and came to Leif's houses (166) safe, and carried up their goods. They soon had in hand a great and good prize, for a whale had been driven on shore, both large and excellent. (167) They went to it and cut it up, and had no want of food. Their cattle went up into the land; but soon they were unruly, and gave trouble to them. They had one bull with them. Karlsefne let wood be felled and hewed for shipping it, and had it laid on a rock to dry. They had all the good of the products of the land, which were these: both grapes and wood, and other products. After that first winter, and when summer came [A.D. 1008], they were aware of Skrællings being there; and a great troop of men came out of the woods. The cattle were near to them, and the bull began to bellow and roar very loud. With that the Skrællings were frightened, and made off with their bundles,----and these were of furs and sables and all sorts of skins; and they turned and wanted to go into the houses, but Karlsefne defended the doors. Neither party understood the language of the other. Then the Skrællings took their bundles and opened them, and wanted to have weapons in exchange for them, but Karlsefne forbade his men to sell weapons. Next he adopted this plan with them, that he told the women to bear out milk and dairy products to them. When they saw these things, they would buy them and nothing else. (168) Now the trade for the Skrællings was such, that they carried away their winnings in their stomachs; and Karlsefne and his comrades got both their bags and skin goods, and so they went away. Next it is to be told, that Karlsefne let a good strong fence be made around the habitation, and strengthened it for defense. (169) At this time Gudrid, (170) Karlsefne's wife, lay in of a male child, and the child was called Snorre. In the beginning of the next winter, came the Skrællings again to them, and in much greater numbers than before, and with the same kind of wares. Then said Karlsefne to the women, "Now ye shall carry out the same kind of food as was best liked the last time, and nothing else. Then they saw that they threw their bundles in over the fence, while Gudrid sat in the door within, by the cradle of Snorre, her son. There came a shadow to the door, and a woman went in with a black kirtle on, rather short, with a snood around her head; clear, yellow hair; pale, with large eyes, so large that none ever saw such eyes in a human head. She went to where Gudrid was sitting, and said: "What art thou called?" "I am called Gudrid; and what art thou called?" "I am called Gudrid," said she. Then the goodwife, Gudrid, put out her hand to her, that she might sit down beside her. At the same time Gudrid heard a great noise, and the woman had vanished.(171) At the same time one of the Skrællings was killed by one of Karlsefne's house men, because he was about to take one of their weapons; and they made off as soon as possible, leaving behind them goods and clothes. No one had seen this woman but Gudrid. "Now," says Karlsefne, "we must be cautious, and take counsel; for I think they will come the third time with hostility and many people. We shall now take the plan, that ten men go out to the ness and show themselves there, and the rest of our men shall go into the woods and make a clearance for our cattle against the time the enemy comes out of the forest; and we shall take the bull before us, and let him go in front." So it happened, that at the place where they were to meet, there was a lake on the one side, and the forest on the other. The plan which Karlsefne had laid down was adopted. The Skrællings came to the place where Karlsefne proposed to fight; and there was a battle there, and many of the Skrællings fell. There was one stout, handsome man among the Skrælling people, and Karlsefne thought that he must be their chief. One of the Skrællings had taken up an axe and looked at it a while, and wielded it against one of his comrades and cut him down, so that he fell dead instantly. Then the stout man took the axe, (172) looked at it awhile, and threw it into the sea as far as he could. They then fled to the woods as fast as possible, and so ended the fight. Karlsefne stayed there with his men the whole winter; but toward spring he made known that he would not stay there any longer, and would return to Greenland. (173) Now they prepared for their voyage and took much goods from thence----vines, grapes, and skin wares. They put to sea, and their ship came to Ericsfiord, and they there passed the winter.
The following summer (174) [A.D. 1011], Karlsefne went to Iceland and Gudrid with him, and he went home to Reikianess. His mother felt that he had made a poor match, and for this reason Gudrid was not at home the first winter. But when she saw that Gudrid was a noble woman, she went home, and they got on well together. Halfrid was the daughter of Snorre Karlsefneson, mother to Bishop Thorlak Runolfson. Their son was named Thorbiorn, and his daughter, Thoruna, mother to Bishop Biorne. Thorgeir was the son of Snorre Karlsefneson, father to Ingveld, mother of the first Bishop Brand. Snorre Karlsefneson had a daughter, Steinun, who married Einar, son of Grundarketil, son of Thorvald Krok, the son of Thorer, or Espihol; their son was Thorstein Rauglatr. He was father to Gudrun, who married Jorund of Keldum. Halla was their daughter, and she was mother to Flose, father of Valgerda, who was the mother of Herr Erland Sterka, father of Herr Hauk, the Lagman. (175) Another daughter of Flose was Thordis, mother of Fru Ingigerd the Rich; her daughter was Fru Hallbera, Abbess of Stad, in Reikianess. Many other distinguished men in Iceland are the descendants of Karlsefne and Thurid, (176) who are not here mentioned. God be with us. Amen. (177)
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VIII. THE VOYAGE OF FREYDIS, HELGE AND FINBOGE
This narrative is found in Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 65. It shows that history, among the Icelanders, was not made subservient to family interests, and the truth was told without respect to persons. At the conclusion we have a (supplementary) notice of Thorfinn and Gudrid, after thier return to Iceland.
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Now the conversation began again to turn upon a Vinland voyage, as the expedition was both gainful and honorable. The same summer [A.D. 1010] that Karlsefne returned from Vinland, a ship arrived in Greenland from Norway. Two brothers commanded the ship, Helge and Finboge; and they remained that winter in Greenland. The brothers were of Icelandic descent, from Earlfiord. It is now to be told, that Freydis, Eric's daughter, came home from Garda, (178) and went to the abode of Finboge and Helge, and proposed to them that they should go to Vinland with their vessel, and have half with her of all the goods they could get there. They agreed to this. Then she went to the abode of her brother Leif, and asked him to give her the houses he had built in Vinland. He answered as before, that he would lend, but not give the houses. (179) It was agreed upon between the brothers and Freydis, that each should have thirty fighting men, besides women. But Freydis broke this, and had five men more, and concealed them. The brothers knew nothing of it until they arrived in Vinland. (180) They went to sea, and had agreed beforehand to sail in company, if they could do so. The difference was little, although the brothers came a little earlier, and had carried up their baggage to Leif's houses. When Freydis came to the land, her people cleared the ship, and carried her luggage also up to the house. Then said Freydis: "Why are you carrying your things in here?" "Because we thought," said they, "that the whole of the agreement with us should be held." She said, "Leif lent the houses to me, not to you." Then said Helge, "In evil, we brothers cannot strive with thee:" and bore out their baggage and made a shed, and built it farther from the sea, on the borders of a lake, (181) and set all about it in order. Freydis had trees cut down for her ship's cargo. Now winter set in, and the brothers proposed to have some game for amusement to pass the time. So it was done for a time, till discord came among them, and the games were given up, and none went from one house to the other; and things went on so during a great part of the winter. It happened one morning that Freydis got out of her berth, and put on her clothes, but not her shoes; and the weather was such that much dew had fallen. She took the cloak of her husband over her, and went out, and went to the house of the brothers, and to the door. A man had gone out a little before and left the door behind him, half shut. She opened the door, and stood in the doorway a little, and was silent. Finboge lay the farthest inside the hut, and was awake. He said: "What wilt thou have here, Freydis?" She said, "I want thee to get up and go out with me, for I would speak with thee." He did so; they went to a tree that was lying under the eaves of the hut and sat down. "How dost thou like this place?" said she. He said, "The country, methinks, is good, but I do not like this quarrel that has arisen among us for I think there is no cause for it." "Thou art right," says she, "and I think so too, and it is my errand to thy dwelling that I want to buy the ship of your brothers as your ship is larger than mine and I would break up from hence." "I will let it be so," said he, "if that will please thee." Now they parted so and she went home, and Finboge to his bed. She went up into her berth and with her cold feet awakened Thorvald, who asked why she was so cold and wet. She answered with great warmth, "I went to these brothers," said she, "to treat about their ship, for I want a larger ship, (182) and they took it so ill that they struck and abused me. And thou, useless man! will neither avenge my affront nor thy own. Now must I feel that I am away from Greenland, but I will separate (183) from thee if thou dost not avenge this." Then he could not bear her reproaches and told his men to rise as fast as possible and take their weapons. They did so and went to the huts of the brothers and went in as they lay asleep and seized them all, bound them, and led them out bound, one after the other, and Freydis had each one of them put to death as he came out. Now all the men were killed, but the women were left and nobody would kill them. Then said Freydis, "Give me an axe in my hand." This was done, and she turned on those five women and did not give over until they were all dead. Now they returned to their own hut after this evil deed, and the people could only observe that Freydis thought she had done exceedingly well, and she said to her comrades, "If it be our lot to return to Greenland, I shall take the life of the man who speaks of this affair, and we shall say that we left them here when we went away." Now they got ready to ship early in spring [A.D. 1011], which had belonged to the brothers, with all the goods they could get on that the ship wold carry, sailed out to sea, and had a good voyage, and the ship came early in the summer to Ericsfiord. Karlsefne was there still (184) and had his ship ready for sea, but waited a wind; and it was a common saying that never a richer ship sailed from Greenland than that which he steered.
Freydis went home now to her house which had stood without damage in the meanwhile. She bestowed many gifts on her followers that they might conceal her wickedness, and she remained now on her farm. All were not so silent about thier misdeeds and wickedness that something did not come up about it. This came at last to the ears of Leif, her brother, and he thought this report was very bad. Leif took three men of Freydis's followers and tortured them to speak, and they acknowledged the whole affair and their tales agreed together. "I do not care," says Leif, "to treat my sister as she deserves; but this I will foretell them that their posterity will never thrive." So it went that nobody thought any thing of them save evil, from that time. (185) Now we have to say that Karlsefne got ready his ship and sailed out to sea. (186) He came on well, reached Norway safely, and remained there all winter and sold his wares. He and his wife were held in esteem by the best people in Norway. In the following spring, he fitted out is ship for Iceland, and when he was quite ready, and his ship lay outside the pier waiting a wind, there came to him a south-country man, from Bremen, in Saxon land, who would deal with him for his house-bar. (187) "I will not sell it," said he. "I will give thee half a mark of gold for it," said the south-country man. Karlsefne thought it was a good offer, and sold it accordingly. The south-country man went away with his house-bar, and Karlsefne did not know what wood it was. It was massur-wood (188) from Vinland. Now Karlsefne put to sea [A.D. 1012], and his ship came to land north of Skagafiord, (189) and there he put up his vessel for winter. In spring he purchased Glambæirland, (190) where he took up his abode, and dwelt there as long as he lived, and was a man of great consideration. Many men are descended from him and his wife Gudrid, and it was a good family. When Karlsefne died, Gudrid took the management of his estates, and of Snorre, her son, who was born in Vinland. When Snorre was married, Gudrid went out of the country, and went to the south, (191) and came back again to Snorre's estate, and he had built a church at Glambæ. Afterward Gudrid became a nun, and lived a hermit's life, and did so as long as she lived. (192) Snorre had a son called Thorgeir, who was father to Bishop Brand's mother, Ingveld. The daughter of Snorre Karlsefneson was called Halfrid. She was mother of Runolf, the father of Bishop Thorlak. Karlsefne and Gudrid also had a son called Biörn. He was father of Thoruna, the mother of Bishop Biörn. Many people are descended from Karlsefne, and his kin have been lucky; and Karlsefne has given the most particular accounts of all these travels, of which something is here related.
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1. The Landanama-book. This is probably the most complete record of the kind ever made by any nation. It is of the same general character as the English Doomsday Book, but vastly superior in interest and value. It contains the names of three thousand persons and one thousand four hundred places. It gives a correct account of genealogies of the first settlers, with brief notices of their achievements. It was commenced by the celebrated Frode, the Wise, who was born 1067, and died 1148, and was continued by Kalstegg, Styrmer and Thordson, being completed by Hauk Erlendson, Lagman, or Governor of Iceland, who died in the year 1334. (back)
2. Gunnbiorn appears to have been a Northman who settled in Iceland at an early day. Nothing more is known of him.(back)
3. Torfæus says that these rocks lie six sea miles out from Geirfuglesker, out from Reikiavek, and twelve miles south of Garde in Greenland, yet they cannot now be found. It is not too much to suppose that they have been sunk by some of those fearful convulsions which have taken place in Iceland; yet it is quite as reasonable to conclude that these rocks were located elsewhere, probably nearer the east coast, which was formerly more accessible than now. In the version of the Account of Greenland, by Ivar Bardson (see "Antiquitates Americanæ," p. 301), given from a Faroese Manuscript, and curiously preserved by Purchas, "His Pilgrimagae," vol. III, p. 518, we read as follows: "Item, men shall know, that, between Island and Greenland, lyeth a Risse called Gornbornse-Skare. There were they wont to haue their passage for Gronland. But as they report there is Ice upon the same Risse, come out of the Long North Bottome, so that we cannot use the same old Passage as they thinke." See "Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson." (back)
4. Torfæus says (Greenlandia, p. 73) that "Eric the Red first lived in Greenland, but it was discovered by the man called Gunnbiorn. After him Gunnbiorn's Rocks are called" (2nd ed. 1755). (back)
5. The translation is literal or nearly so, and the sense is obscure. (back)
6. The place of concealment appears to have been an excavation covered with stone or wood. That the people were sometimes accustomed to hide money in this way is evident. This was hidden there by Irishmen or Icelanders who may have been on their way to Greenland, though possibly hidden by pirates who early sailed the northern seas. We read in the Saga of Eric the Red, that Eric at first intended to go with his son, Leif, on his voyage to discover the land seen by Heriulf, and which Leif named Vinland. On his way to the ship, Eric's horse stumbled, and he fell to the ground seriously injured, and was obliged to abandon the voyage. He accepted this as a judgment for having, as one preparation for his absence, buried his money, where his wife, Thorhild, would not be able to find it. (back)
7. This is believed to have been about February, affording one of many indications that the climate of that region has become more rigorous than formerly. The fact that water did not freeze indicates mild weather, which we might infer from the fact of their rigging their vessels, and from the preparation made for sea. In regard to the term "Goe," "Grönland's Historiske Mindesmærker" (vol. I, p. 7), says: "This name was before used in Denmark, which Etatsraad Werlauf has discovered on the inscription of a Danish Rune Stone." (back)
8. The facts that they engaged in hunting, and that they built a cabin to live in, might at first lead some to suppose that the place contained a forest or more or less trees, to supply wood. Yet this does not follow, as driftwood supplied all wants for building purposes where they could not obtain or use stones. Regarding driftwood, Crantz says, in speaking of Greenland: "For as He has denied this frigid, rocky region the growth of trees, He has bid the storms of the ocean convey to its shores a great deal of wood, which accordingly comes floating thither, part without ice, but the most part along with it, and lodges itself between the islands. Were it not for this, we Europeans should have no wood to burn there......Among this wood are great trees torn up by the roots, which by driving up and down for many years and dashing and rubbing on the ice, are quite bare of branches. A small part of this driftwood are willows, alder and birch trees, which come out of the bays in the south; also large trunks of aspen trees,.....but the greatest part is pine and fir. We find, also, a good deal of a sort of wood, finely veined, and with few branches; this, I fancy, is larchwood....There is also a solid, reddish wood of a more agreeable fragrancy than the common fir, with visible cross veins, which I take to be the same species as the beautiful silver firs, or zirbel, that have the smell of cedar, and grow on the high Grison hills, and the Switzers wainscot their rooms with them."----"History of Greenland," vol. I, p. 37. (back)
9. If any confirmation were needed of the truth of this narrative, or of the killing of Snæbiorn and Thorod, we might look for it in the equally well-known fact, that after the return of the voyagers to Iceland, the death of these two men was fearfully revenged by their friends. (back)
10. South-west of Norway. (back)
11. See Colonization of Iceland, in the Introduction. (back)
12. See notes to Introduction. (back)
13. It is now impossible to identify these localities. The old view, that what is called the East-bygd, or District, was on the eastern coast of Greenland, is now abandoned. It is probable that no settlement was ever effected on the east coast, though formerly it was evidently more approachable than now. See Graah's "Expedition." (back)
14. As we certainly know that Christianity was established in Iceland in the year A.D. 1000, the final settlement of Eric and his followers must have taken place during the year assigned, viz.: 985. (back)
15. See "Antiquitates Americanæ," p. 15, note a. (back)
16. Evidently an error. See "Antiquitates Americanæ," p. 15, note 3. On the state of society in Greenland at this period the reader may consult Prof. Keyser, from whose work on the Religion of the Northmen we may give the following, which is a translation of a part of the Saga of Eric that is given in Rafn's work:
"At that time there was a great famine in Greenland. Those who had gone to the wild districts (hunting and fishing) had met with little success, on account of the storms and bad paths. Some had never returned. There was a woman living in the settlement, whose name was Thorbjorg; she was a Spae-wife, and was called the little Vala or Prophetess. She had nine sisters, of whom she was the only survivor. Thorbjorg was in the habit of going around to the festivals, and she was invited chiefly by those who wished to learn their fate and the coming seasons. As Thorkel was the best man of the settlement, it seemed to be incumbent upon him to gain some information when the prevailing famine should cease. Thorkel, therefore, invites the Spae-wife to his house and prepares for her a good reception, such as was customary when a woman of her standing was expected. A cushion was prepared for her; it had to be stuffed with hen feathers. It was laid upon a high seat in the evening, when she came in with the man who had been sent out to receive her. She was dressed, on this occasion, as follows: She wore a blue cloak with fastenings of cords, set with stones around the border from top to bottom. Around her neck she had glass beads; upon her head a black lambskin hood, lined with white catskin. She carried a staff mounted with brass, with the head inlaid with stones. She was girded with a young bearskin belt, and to this hung a large pouch in which she kept the instruments of magic belonging to her occupation. On her feet she wore shaggy calfskin shoes with long, heavy thongs, on the ends of which were large brass buttons. She had catskin gloves upon her hands, white within, and shaggy. When she entered, every one felt it a duty to greet her with reverence; she returned their salutations, according to what she thought of each individually. Thorkel took the wise woman by the hand, and conducted her to the seat prepared for her. He requested her to cast her eyes over his herds, and property and house. She said but little concerning this. In the evening the tables were set, and now it shall be told what dishes were made ready for the Spae-wife. There were groats made of goat's milk; but her food was prepared from the heart of every animal in the neighborhood. She had a brass spoon and a knife of copper with a shaft of walrus tooth, and a double sheath, the point of which was broken off. When the tables were cleared Thorkell Bondi goes up to Thorbjorg and asks what she thinks of the house and the appearance of the people, and also how soon she will have a revelation concerning the things he has asked her about and which the people are all anxious to know. She answers that she cannot make this known before morning, after she has slept there over night. Early in the morning all the arrangements were made for her which belong to the incantation of Seidr. She then asked them to furnish her with women who knew the magic formulas of that ceremony, and who are called Vardlokur, i.e., the watch-guard; but none could be found who knew it, although inquiry was made at all the neighboring houses. Then Gudrid, a young girl who was present, said, 'I am not skilled in magic, nor any wise woman; but my foster-mother in Iceland taught me a formula, which she called Vardlokur.' Thorkel said, 'Thou art wiser than I thought.' Gudrid answered, 'This formula and the proceedings connected with it are of such a character that I cannot be present to assist with them; for I am a Christian.' Thorkel replied, 'Thou couldst help us in this matter without harming thyself thereby; I should be glad to furnish Thorbjorg what is necessary.' He then persuaded Gudrid so long that she at length promised to fulfill his wishes. Now Thorbjorg sat upon the witch seat, and the women formed a circle around her. Gudrid sang the song so beautifully and well that no one of the bystanders thought that they had ever heard a fairer song. Even the Spae-wife thought the song was beautiful to hear, and thanked her for it when done. 'Now,' says Thorbjorg, 'I have reflected upon the matter, how it will be both with the sickness and the seasons; and much has now been made clear to me that before was hidden from me and from others.' She then foretold that the famine and sickness, that were raging, should both disappear in the spring. To Gudrid she prophesied, in return for the services she had rendered, a very happy fate in the future, and also that a renowned family should be descended from her. Afterward, all the company went one after another to consult her about the future matters that they wished to know, and she gave them definite answers. Soon afterward she was invited to another house, and went hither; and her prophesies concerning the coming events of the year were entirely fulfilled. "The Religion of the Northmen," by Rudolph Keyser, p. 292. (back)
17. This king propagated Christianity by physical force, and marked the course of his missionary tours with fire and blood; which might have been expected from a barbarian just converted from the worship of Odin and Thor. (back)
18. These thralls were slaves, though slavery in Iceland assumed peculiar features. The following, from the "Saga of Gisli the Outlaw," shows the relation that slaves held to freemen. We read, that on one occasion, Gisli had borrowed a famous sword of Koll, and the latter asked to have it back, but Gisli in reply asks if he will sell it, receiving a negative reply. Then he says: "I will give thee thy freedom and goods, so that thou mayest fare whither thou wilt with other men." This is also declined, when Gisli continues: "Then I will give thee thy freedom, and lease, or give thee land, and besides I will give thee sheep, and cattle and goods, as much as thou needest." This he also declines, and Kol, when Gisli asks him to name a price, offering any sum of money, besides his freedom, and "a becoming match, if thou hast a likening for any one." But Kol refused to sell it at any price, which refusal led to a fight, and in the first onset, the slave's axe sank into Gisli's brain, while the disputed sword, Graysteel, clove the thick skull of Kol. See the "Saga of Gisli the Outlaw," p. 6, Edinburgh, 1866. Also the Saga of Eric Red, where Thorbiorn thinks it an indignity that Einar should ask for the hand of his daughter in marriage, Einar being the son of a slave. (back)
21. Cartier in the Gulf of St. Lawrence gave names that had been used before. (back)
22. The stonework would point to Europeans, say the Irish, as stonework was not the characteristic of the Skrællings. On the latter see later. (back)
23. Original settler or freeholder, whose name and possessions were recorded in the Landanama-book. (back)
25. This poem no longer exists. Its subject, the Hafgerdingar, is described as a fearful body of water, "which sometimes rises in the sea near Greenland in such a way that three large rows of waves inclose a part of the sea, so that the ship, inside, is in the greatest danger."----Grönland's Historiske Mindismærker, vol. I, p. 264. There does not appear to be any better foundation for this notion of the Hafgerdingar than for the old accounts of the Maelstrom, once supposed to exist on the coast of Norway. The Hafgardingar may have originated from seeing the powerful effect of a cross sea acting on the tide. (back)
26. To this translation may be added another in metre, by Beamish:
O thou who triest holy men!
Now guide me on my way;
Lorde of the earth's wide vault, extend
Thy gracious hand to me.
This appears to be the earliest Christian prayer thus far found in connection with this period of American history. (back)
27. See later on this subject. (back)
28. Æyrar. This is not the name of a place-----for Heriulf dwelt in Iceland at a place called Dropstock----but of a natural feature of ground; eyri, still called an ayre in the Orkney islands, being a flat, sandy tongue of land, suitable for landing and drawing up boats upon. All ancient dwellings in those islands, and probably in Iceland also, are situated so as to have the advantage of this kind of natural wharf, and the spit of land called an ayre, very often has a small lake or pond inside of it, which shelters boats.----Laing. (back)
29. This we will accept as Labrador, and in the account we notice that in this Saga the inland elevations are not considered mountains, though Leif in his account as we shall see speaks of them as "large snowy mountains of the country." The main feature of a high region characterizes both accounts, and this undesigned coincidence will have more effect upon the mind than the narratives would have afforded, if both had used the same language. Besides we are not to suppose that Biarne and Leif saw the land in the same place, and at same point the inland hills would deserve the name of mountains more than others. Leif's narrative incorrectly calls this last point visited by Biarne before reaching Greenland. Helluland the "Great" and the "Little" were names applied to Labrador and Newfoundland. The Saga furnishes the correction. See the notes on the voyage of Leif which follow. Still it must be confessed that the statements are obscure, like many English narrations of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. (back)
30. The "Markland" of Leif. (back)
31. The details of this voyage are very simple, yet whoever throws aside his old time prejudices, and considers the whole subject with the care which it deserves, cannot otherwise than feel persuaded that Biarne was driven upon this Continent, and that the land seen was the coast of that great territory which stretches between Massachusetts and Newfoundland, for there is no other land to answer the description. Of course no particular merit can be claimed for this discovery. It was also accidental, something like the discovery of America by Columbus, who, in looking for the East Indies, stumbled upon a new world. Yet Biarne's discovery soon led to substantial results. (back)
32. The present Island of Disco, called in the Saga of Karlsefne, "Biarney." (back)
33. This piece makes no reference to the voyage of Biarne, but confirms important statements in the first narrative. (back)
34. Considerable has been said at various times in opposition to these accounts, because cattle and sheep, and sometimes horses, are mentioned in connection with Greenland. Some have supposed that, for these reasons, the Saga must be incorrect. Yet, in more modern times, there has been nothing to prevent the people from keeping such animals, though it has been found better to substitute dogs for horses. Crantz says, that in "the year 1759, one of our missionaries brought three sheep with him from Denmark to new Herrnhuth. These have so increased by bringing some two, some three lambs a year, that they have been able to kill some every year since, to send some to Lichtenfels, for a beginning there, and, after all, to winter ten at present. We may judge how vastly sweet and nutritive the grass is here, from the following tokens: that tho' three lambs come from one ewe, they are larger, even in autumn, than a sheep of a year old in Germany." He says that in the summer they could pasture two hundred sheep around New Herrnhuth; and that they formerly kept cows, but that it proved too much trouble.----History of Greenland, vol. I, page 74. (back)
35. There are discrepancies between the Saga of Eric and his son's, and those relating to Thorfinn, of such a nature as to leave no doubt that they must have come to us from two wholly distinct sources. Torfæus was the first to direct attention to these discrepancies, at the same time remarking that they were of a nature to confirm rather than to disprove the statements. The Eric Sagas were evidently composed in Greenland, while those relating to Thorfinn had their origin in Iceland. The discrepancies are in themselves of very little consequence, but they serve to establish the important fact that the Sagas of Eric and of Thorfinn must be received as two independent authorities." North American Review, vol. CXIX, pp. 265-72. See ante, p. 63. (back)
36. He must have gone over to Greenland from Norway then, as in the year 1000, he returned and introduced Christianity into Greenland. The language used is indefinite. (back)
37. One recension of the Saga of Eric the Red, states that he went with Leif on his voyage to Vinland. Finn Magnussen says that the error arose from a change of one letter in a pair of short words. See Grönland's Historiske Mindesmærker, vol. I, p. 471. In a similar way the change may have been made which incorrectly represents Leif as coming first to the last point visited by Biarne. (back)
38. Horses could be kept in Greenland now, only with much expense. It appears that anciently it was not so. Undoubtedly there has been more or less of change in climate, during the last thousand years by the procession of the equinox. Geologists find evidence that at one period, a highly tropical climate must have existed in the northern regions. Fossil figs and tropic trees are among the wonders of Greenland. (back)
39. Superstition was the bane of the Northman's life. He was also a firm believer in Fate. The doctrines of Fate held the finest Northern minds in a vice-like grasp, so that in many cases their lives were continually overshadowed by a great sorrow. One of the saddest illustrations of this belief may be found in the Saga of Grettir the Strong (given in Baring-Gould's work on Iceland), a Saga in which the doctrine appears with a power that is well nigh appalling. (back)
40. Some suppose that he was a German, others claim that he was a Turk, as his name might indicate. (back)
42. Snowy mountains, Jöklar miklir, such as Chappell mentions having been seen on the coast, June 14, 1818. (back)
43. Helluland, from Hella, a flat stone, an abundance of which may be found in Labrador and the region round about. But it should be noted that the country between the sea and the mountains or hills was level. Ante, p. 89, note 2. (back)
44. This agrees with the general features of Nova Scotia. The North American Pilot describes the land around Halifax, as "low in general, and not visible twenty miles off; except from the quarter-deck of a seventy four. Apostogon hills have a long, level appearance, between Cape Le Have and Port Medway, the coast to the seaward being level and low, and the shores with white rocks and low, barren points; from thence to Shelburne and Port Roseway, are woods. Near Port Haldiman are several barren places, and thence to Cape Sable, which makes the south-west point into Barrington Bay, a low and woody island." Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 423. Markland is therefore supposed, with great reason, to be Nova Scotia, so well described, both in the Saga, and in the Coast Pilot. Markland means woodland. Two days sail thence, brought them in view of Cape Cod, though very likely the sailing time is not correct. (back)
45. This island has given the interpreters considerable trouble, from the fact that it is said to lie to the northward of the land. Professor Rafn, in order to identify the island with Nantucket, shows that the north point of the Icelandic compass lay toward the east. But this does not fairly meet the case. There would, perhaps, have been no difficulty in the interpretation, if the Northern Antiquaries had been acquainted with the fact, that in early times an island existed northward from Nantucket, on the opposite coast of Cape Cod. This island, together with a large point of land, which now has also disappeared, existed in the times of Gosnold, who sailed around Cape Cod, in 1602. At one time some doubt existed in regard to the truthfulness of the accounts of this island, for the reason that those portions of land described, no longer existed. Yet their positions were laid down with scientific accuracy; the outer portion of the island being called Point Care, while the other point was called Point Gilbert. Neither Archer nor Brereton in their accounts of Gosnold's voyage, give any name to the island; but Captian John Smith, in 1614, calls it "Isle Nawset." Smith's History of Virginia, vol. II, p. 183. This island was of the drift formation, and, as late as half a century ago, a portion of it still remained, being called Slut Bush. The subject has been carefully gone over by Mr. Otis, in his pamphlet on the Discovery of an Ancient Ship on Cape Cod. Professor Agassiz, writing December 17, 1863, says: "Surprising and perhaps incredible as the statements of Mr. Amos Otis may appear, they are nevertheless the direct and natural inference of the observations which may be easily made along the eastern coast of Cape Cod. Having of late felt a special interest in the geological structure of that remarkable region, I have repeatedly visited it during the past summer, and, in company with Mr. Otis, examined, on one occasion, with the most minute care, the evidence of the former existence of Isle Nauset and Point Gilbert. I found it as satisfactory as any geological evidence can be. Besides its scientific interest," he adds, "this result has some historical importance. At all events it fully vindicates Archer's account of the aspect of Cape Cod, at the time of its discovery in 1602, and shows him to have been a truthful and accurate observer." But possibly the vindication may extend back even to the Northmen, whom the learned professor and his co-laborers did not have in mind; especially as this discovery will help very materially to explain their descriptions. Now, in the accounts of Thorfinn Karlsefne's passage around this part of the Vinland, it is said that they called the shore Wonder-strand, "because they were so long going by." Any one in sailing past the coast today will be struck with its length. But by glancing at a reconstructed map of Cape Cod, the reader will find that the coast line is greatly increased, so that in order to pass around the cape, the navigator must sail a longer distance than now. Comparing the distance gained, the Northmen might well grow weary, and call it "Wonder-strand." Our knowledge of this island quite relieves the difficulty that was felt by Professor Rafn, who labored to show that the island in question was Nantucket, notwithstanding the fact that it lay too far east. For a fuller knowledge of Isle Nauset, See New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. XVIII, p. 37; and Massachusetts Historical Collections, vol. VIII, series III, pp. 72-93. "Webb's Island," which existed at the close of the last century, was the remains of Gosnold's "Point Gilbert." The people of Nantucket formerly used to cut wood there. See Morse's Universal Gazetteer, vol. I, p. 357, Ed. 1783. Capt. Vetch anchored under Webb's Island Nov. 16, 1701. See O'Callaghan's curious and interesting monograph: "The Voyage of the Sloop Mary," Munsell, Albany, 1866. O'Callaghan says that "it has since been swallowed up by the sea." "Sloop Mary," pp. ix and 27, also Mass. Mag. (111-151), which says, "The water is six fathoms deep on this spot." (back)
46. In speaking of the immediate vicinity of wonder-strand, the second account of Thorfinn's expedition, says: "There were places without harbors," which has always been the case, this coast being dangerous; yet it is said above that "they landed to wait for good weather." This would be impracticable now, except at Chatham; yet at that day, notwithstanding the absence of harbors, they would find accomodation for their small vessel somewhere between the island and the mainland. From Bradford's History, p. 217, we learn that in 1626-7, there was at this place "a small blind harbore" that "lyes aboute ye middle of Manamoyake Bay," which today is filled up by recently formed sandy wastes and salt meadows. This "blind harbore," had at its mouth a treacherous bar of sand. If this harbor had existed in the days of the Northmen, they would not of necessity discover it; and hence while Leif might have landed here and found protection, Thorfinn, in his much larger ship, might have found it needful to anchor, as he appears to have done, in the grounds between Isle Nauset and Point Gilbert, while explorations were being made on the land. (back)
47. "Honey dew," says Dr. Webb, "occurs in this neighborhood."---Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 443. (back)
48. This sound may have been the water between Point Gilbert and Isle Nauset. (back)
49. Archer says in his account of Gosnold's voyage: "Twelve leages from [the end of] Cape Cod, we descried a point [Point Gilbert] with some breach, a good distance off." It is said that the ness, or cape, went out northward but we must remember that eastward is meant. (back)
50. This is precisely the course they would steer after doubling that ness or cape which existed in Gosnold's day, and which he named Point Gilbert. The author does not agree with Professor Rafn, in making this point to be at the eastern entrance to Buzzard's bay. If he had known of the existence of the Isle Nauset, he would not have looked for the ness in that neighborhood. At that time Cape Malabar probably did not exist, as we know how rapidly land is formed in the vicinity; yet it would not have attracted notice in comparison with the great broad point mentioned by Archer. (back)
51. After passing Point Gilbert, shoal water may almost anywhere be found, which appears to have been the case anciently. (back)
52. The river may have been Seaconnet passage and Pocasset River. (back)
53. This lake is thought to answer to Mount Hope Bay. The writer of the Saga passes over that part of the voyage immediately following the doubling of the ness. The tourist in traveling that way by rail will at first take Mount Hope Bay for a lake. (back)
54. Salmon were formerly so plentiful in this vicinity, that it is said a rule was made, providing that masters should not oblige their apprentices to eat this fish more than twice a week. Still I may repeat a quotation from Henry V (1st A., sc. 4, 5): "I warrant you shall find in the comparisons between Macedon and Monmouth that the situation, look you, is both alike. There is a river in Macedon, and there is also moreover a river at Monmouth; it is called Wye at Monmouth, but it is out of my prains what is the name of the other river, but 'tis all one; 'tis alike as my fingers is to my fingers, and there is salmon in both." (back)
55. It is well known that cattle in the vicinity can pass the winter with little or no shelter, and the sheep on Nantucket, can, when necessary, take care of themselves. (back)
56. This is an exaggeration, or, possibly the writer, who was not with the expedition, meant to convey the idea that there was no frost, compared with what was experienced in Greenland and Iceland. The early narrator of the voyage unquestionably tried to make a good impression as regards the climate. In so doing, he has been followed by nearly all who have come after him. Eric the Red told some almost fabulous stories about the climate of Greenland; and yet, because his accounts do not agree with facts, who is so foolish as to deny that he ever saw Greenland? With as much reason we might deny that Leif came to Vinland. With equal reason, too, we might deny that Mortan was ever at Merry Mount; for he tells us, in his New English Canaan, that coughs and colds are unknown in New England. Lieutenant-Governor Dudley of Massachusetts complained of false representations in his day. "Footprints of Miles Standish," p. 24. (back)
57. This passage was misunderstood by Torfæus, the earliest writer who inquired into these questions. He was followed by Peringskiold, Malte-Brun and others, who, by their reckoning, made the latitude of Vinland somewhere near Nova Scotia. Yet the recent studies of Rafn and Finn Magnussen, have elucidated the point: "The Northmen divided the heavens or horizons into eight principal divisions, and the times of the day according to the sun's apparent motion through these divisions, the passage through each of which they supposed to occupy a period of three hours. The day was therefore divided into portions of time corresponding with these eight divisions, each was called an eykt, signifying an eighth part. This eykt was again divided, like each of the grand divisions of the heavens, into two smaller and equal portions, called stund or mal. In order to determine these divisions of time, the inhabitant of each place carefully observed the diurnal course of the sun, and noted the terrestial objects over which it seemed to stand. Such an object, whether artificial or natural, was called by the Icelanders dagsmark (daymark). They were also led to make these daymarks by a division of the horizon according to the principal winds, as well as by the wants of their domestic economy. The shepherd's rising time, for instance, was called Hirdis rismál, which corresponds with half-past four o'clock, A.M., and this was the beginning of the natural day of twenty four hours. Reckoning from Hirdis rismál the eight stund or eighth half eykt ended at just half-past four P.M. ; and therefore this particular period was called EYKT. This Eykt, strictly speaking, commenced at three o'clock, P.M., and ended at half-past four P.M., when it was said to be in eyktarstadr or the termination of the eykt. The precise moment that the sun appeared in this place indicated the termination of the artificial day (dagr) and half the natural day (dagr) and was therefore held especially deserving of notice; the hours of labor, also, are supposed to have ended at this time. Six o'clock, A.M. was called midr morgun; half-past seven A.M., Dagmal; nine A.M., Dagverdarmal. Winter was considered to commence in Iceland about the seventeenth of October, and Bishop Thorlacius, the calculator of the astronomical calender, fixes sunrise in the south of Iceland on the seventeenth of October, at half-past seven A.M. At this hour, according to the Saga, it rose in Vinland on the shortest day, and set at half past four P.M., which data fix the latitude of the place at 41 degrees 43' 10" being nearly that of Mount Hope Bay." See Mem. Antiq. du Nord, 1863-7, p. 165. Rafn's calculations make the position 41 degrees 24' 10". It is based on the view that the observation was made in Vinland when only the upper portion of the disc had appeared above the horizon. The difference, of course, is not important. Thus we know the position of the Icelandic settlement in New England. See Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 436. Also a different view in Cleasby's Icelandic Dictionary, p. 135. (back)
58. In those turbulent times children were not brough up at home, but were sent to be trained up in the families of trusty friends. This was done to preserve the family line. Often, in some bloody feud, a whole household would be destroyed, yet the children being out at foster, would be preserved and in due time come to represent the family. In Leif's day heathenism and lawlessness were on the decline. We have a true picture given us by Dasent, of the way in which children were treated in the heathen age. He says: "With us, an old house can stand upon a crooked as well as upon a straight support. But in Iceland, in the tenth century, as in all the branches of that great family, it was only healthy children that were allowed to live. The deformed, as a burden to themselves, their friends and to society, were consigned to destruction by exposure to the violence of the elements. This was the father's stern right, and though the mothers of that age were generally blest with robust offspring, still the right was often exercised. As soon as it was born, the infant was laid upon the bare ground, and, until the father came and looked at it, heard and saw that it was strong in lung and limb, took it up in his arms and handed it over to the nurse, its fate hung in the balance and life or death depended upon the sentence of its sire. That danger over, it was duly washed, signed with the Thunderer's [Thor's] holy hammer---the symbol of all manliness and strength---and solemnly received into the family as the faithful champion of the ancient gods. When it came to be named there was what we should call the christening ale. There was saddling, mounting and riding among kith and kin. Cousins came in bands from all points of the compass: dependents, freedmen and thralls all mustered strong. The ale is broached, the board is set, and the benches are thronged with guests; the mirth and revelry are at the highest, when in strides into the hall a being of awful power, in whom that simple age set full faith. This was the Norne, the wandering prophetess, sybil fortune teller, a woman to whom it was given to know the weirds of men, and who had come to do honor to the child, and tell his fortune.........After the child was named, he was often put out to foster with some neighbor, his father's inferior in power, and there he grew up with the children of the house, and contracted those friendships and affections which were reckoned better and more binding than the ties of blood."----Antiquaires du Nord, 1859, pp. 8-9 (back)
59. There is nothing in this to indicate that Tyrker was intoxicated, as some have absurdly supposed. In this far off land, he found grapes, which powerfully reminded him of his native country, and the association of ideas is so strong, that when he first meets Leif, he breaks out in the language of his childhood, and, like ordinary epicures, expresses his joy, which is all the more marked on account of his grotesque appearance. Is not this a stroke of genuine nature, something that a writer, framing the account of a fictitious voyage, would not dream of? Similar cases are found in literature. (back)
60. Grapes grow wild almost everywhere on this coast. They may be found on Cape Cod ripening among the scrub oaks, even within the reach of the ocean spray, where the author has often gathered them. (back)
61. In Peringskiold's Heimskringla, which Laing has followed in translating Leif's voyage for his appendix, this statement of the cutting of wood is supplemented by the following statement: "There was also self-sown wheat in the fields, and a tree which is called massur. Of all these they took samples; and some of the trees were so large that they were used in houses." It is thought that the massur wood was a species of maple. Others have declared that it must have been mahogany, and that therefore the account of Leif's discovery is false. They forget that even George Popham, in writing home to his patron from Sagadahoc, in 1607, says that among the productions of the country are "nutmegs and cinnamon." Yet shall we infer from this that Popham never saw New England? (back)
62. Olaus Magnus, who wrote 1075, after he had made a visit to the King of Denmark, at whose court he heard of the exploits of the Icelanders, says: "Besides it was stated [by the King] that a region had been discovered by many in that [Western] ocean which was called Winland, because vines grow there spontaneously, making excellent wine; for that fruits, not planted grow there of their own accord, we know not false rumors, but by the certain testimony of the Danes." See, also, Rafn's Antiquitates, etc., p. 319. (back)
63. They were evidently Norwegian traders who were shipwrecked while approaching the coast and sailing for the Greenland ports. Here attention may be called to the truthful description of the Sagas as one proof of their authenticity and historical value. We employ the well-considered words of Henry Cabot Lodge, who says:
"The Sagas may then be accepted as authentic historical records. A detailed examination of them would result in almost complete proof of Norse visits to America. Such an examination would be impossible within the limits of a notice, but some of the most striking portions are worth attention. If one takes a map of North America, it will be seen at once that a vessel starting from Cape Farewell and steering almost due south would make the coast of Newfoundland, possibly Labrador. The first land made by the Northmen after leaving Greenland was Helluland, distinguished by its rocky appearance, like the northern Newfoundland coast. Further to the south, the next shores would be that of Nova Scotia, a thickly wooded country, and called by the Northmen Markland. Several days of open water and Cape Cod or Cape Kiarlarness would be reached. The description of the cape in the Sagas, where it is frequently mentioned, corresponds perfectly with Cape Cod. The features of the shore are accurately described, long stretches of flats and sand dunes rising up behind them. To the south of this cape a bay was entered by the Norsemen, and named from its numerous currents, for which Buzzard's Bay is remarkable. The large island covered with the eggs of seabirds lies in the southern part of the bay. The long beaches of Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket are famous today, as in the tenth century, for large quantities of sea fowl's eggs. In this country wild grapes grew in great profusion. Even supposing great changes of climate, this fact may be fairly taken to exclude Greenland and Labrador, in both of which countries wild grapes would be an anomaly. Grapes do grow, however, in Rhode Island. Examples might be multiplied. It is a very strong case of cumulative evidence. Vinland must have been some portion of the eastern coast of the American Continent. Nothing then is more likely than that the Norsemen visited New England. The description of the Sagas coincide exactly with the south-eastern coast of Rhode Island and Massachusetts. The Sagas are in the main certainly accurate and truthful. If these premises are admitted, and it seems impossible to deny them, the visits of the Norsemen are sufficiently well proved."----North American Review, vol. CXIX, p. 177. (back)
64. Gissur, called the White, was one of the greatest lawyers of Iceland. We read that "there was a man named Gissur White, he was Teit's son, Kettlebiarne the Old's son, of Mossfell [Iceland]. Bishop Isleif was Gissur's son. Gissur the White kept house at Mossfell, and was a great Chief." Saga of Burnt Nial, vol. I, p. 146. (back)
65. Hialte was doubtless the same person who entered the swimming match with King Olaf. See Saga of Olaf Tryggvesson. (back)
66. This is an error, unless the writer means that the voyage to Vinland, afterward undertaken, was a part of the same general expedition. Leif went to Greenland first, as we have already seen. (back)
67. These pagans did not always yield even so readily as Eric. Some in Norway became martyrs to the faith of Odin. See Saga of Olaf Tryggvesson (passim) in vol. I, of Heimskringla. (back)
68. See note to foregoing account. (back)
69. These appear to have been married men or secular clergy. (back)
70. Assuming that the expedition was located in Rhode Island, this westward exploration would indicate a movement along the shore of Connecticut, which answers well enough to the description. (back)
71. A building of this character would point to Europeans, who, according to the minor narratives, preceeded the Icelanders in America. (back)
72. This cape was not Point Gilbert, but the terminus of Cape Cod, known as "Race Point," a dangerous place for navigation. It would seem that this was the place referred to, for the reason that the next place mentioned is the shore near Plymouth, which is readily seen from the end of Cape Cod in a clear day. Here is a hiatus. It was the vicinity of Race Point that they called "Kialarness," or Keel Cape. From Cape Cod it would seem they crossed to Plymouth, whose heights were in view of the cape in clear weather, and then worked along eastward, though the passage across the mouth of Cape Cod Bay is not mentioned, reaching the mouth of Boston Harbor, where Thorvald said, "Here it is beautiful," even as John Smith wrote of it as "the Paradise of all these parts," and where evidently the French had been before him. Indeed everything goes to prove, that from the time of Allefonsce, 1542, down to Belligner, 1583, the French must often resorted thither. If we are correct in this view, Boston is a singularly appropriate place for a monument to the Northmen. Afterward they speak of "the bay" and habitations, all of which is in keeping with Boston Harbor. Whoever takes the trouble to analyze the language, will discover by the occasional hiatus that the writer speaks from a fullness of knowledge, and that he could have added many particulars, showing that he was writing about actual events. (back)
73. Here, Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 42, is followed, instead of Peringskiold, whose version does not mention the point of land. This place is regarded as Point Alderton, below Boston Harbor. Thorvald evidently sailed along the shore to this point, which is the most remarkable on the east coast. (back)
74. Nothing supernatural is here intended, simply the result of fatigue. (back)
75. These screens were made of planks which could be quickly arranged above the bulwarks, thus affording particular protection against arrows and stones. (back)
76. These people are sometimes called Smællingar, or small men. Others deduce their name from skræla, to dry, alluding to their shriveled aspect; and others from skrækia to shout. It is evident from the accounts of Egede and Crantz, that they formerly inhabited this part of the country, but were gradually obliged to go northward. It is well known that in other parts of America, these migrations were common. These people were more likely to take refuge in Greenland than the Northmen themselves. Critics have been concerned to know how it comes that the people met by the Northmen in New England appeared to be Esquimaux, and not Red Indians. This is because the Red Indians had not then become masters of the coast, which was held by a littoral people who once occupied the coast from Florida to Greenland, being the descendants of what may be called the "glacial man." The Indians who said that the Great Spirit gave him the country, simply wrested it from the Skrællings, whose stone implements are now found in the Trenton gravels. See author's "Glacial Man in America;" Pop. Science Review, vol. XVIII, p. 31. The skin boats of the Skrællings were in keeping with habits of the littoral people. The Red man who followed used bark, or fashioned canoes out of solid logs, as described by Sebastian Cabot, Verranzano and Lescarbot. (back)
77. The conduct of Thorvald indicates magnanimity of character, thinking first of his men, and afterward of himself. (back)
78. Christianity was introduced by Leif, Thorvald's brother, in 1001-2. (back)
79. This is evidently an error, for Christianity was introduced by Leif, before he sailed on his voyage to Vinland. Errors like this abound in all early annals, and why should Icelandic chronicles be free from them? Every such case will be impartially pointed out. The treatment of this passage by Smith, in his Dialogues on the Northmen, p. 127, is far from being candid. He translates the passage thus: "But Eric the Red had died without professing Christianity," and refers the English reader to the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, Antiquitates Americanæ, pp. 119-20, as if he would there find a reason for his rendering of the text, which is unequivocal, and is translated literally above. On turning to the authority in question, we find nothing more said than that "Eric was slow to give up his [pagan] religion," and that the affair caused a separation between him and his wife. That he was slow to give up his pagan belief, would seem to indicate that he did give it up eventually. Moreover we have the direct statement that he was baptized. See second Narrative of Leif. (back)
80. That is, they returned around Cape Cod to the rendezvous in Rhode Island. (back)
81. Gathering and drying them evidently. (back)
82. This Gudrid who was rescued from the rock in the sea by Leif Ericson, is now married the second time, and as we shall see later on, was married a third time, and became the head of a most important family, afterward going to Rome. (back)
83. Norway lay east of Iceland, and hence the people of that country were sometimes called Eastmen. (back)
84. If Vinland had been situated in Labrador, it would be rather idle to suppose that they could have lost the summer in trying to find it. This expedition aimed at reaching the place called "Crossaness" near the Bay of Boston. (back)
85. Winter began October 17. (back)
86. They probably had, at least, diminutive horses or ponies in Greenland like those of Iceland today. (back)
87. Thorstein Black was a pagan, who nevertheless saw the superior value of the new faith. (back)
88. See The Graves of the Northmen, Church Monthly, 1865. (back)
89. We must here remember the simplicity of manners, which then (as now) prevailed among the Icelanders. The tourist in Iceland is always surprised by the absence of all prudery. (back)
90. That is, visit Italy and especially Rome. (back)
91. Whoever inclines to dismis this narrative as an idle fiction, must remember that all history is more or less pervaded by similar stories. The Rev. Cotton Mather, in his Magnalia of New England, gives the account of a great number of supernatural events of no better character than this related in the Saga. Some are ludicrous in the extreme, and others are horrible, both in their inception and end. Among other stories, is that of Mr. Phillip Smith, deacon of the church at Hadley, Mass., and a member of the General Court, who appears to have been bewitched. He was finally obliged to keep his bed. Then it is said that the people "beheld fire somtimes on the bed; and when the beholders begain to discourse of it, it vanished away. Divers people actually felt something often stir in the bed, at a considerable distance from the man; it seemed as big as a cat, but they could never grasp it. Several trying to lean on the bed's head, tho' the sick man lay wholly still, the bed would shake so as to knock their heads uncomfortably. A very strong man could not lift the sick man, to make him lie more easily, tho' he apply'd his utmost strength unto it; and yet he could go presently and lift the bedstead and a bed, and a man lying on it, without any strain to himself at all. Mr. Smith dies......After the opinion of all had pronounc'd him dead, his countenance continued as lively as though he had been alive......Divers noises were heard in the room where the corpse lay; as the clattering of chairs and stools, whereof no account could be given."----Magnalia, ed. 1853, vol. I, p. 455. The account is vouched for by the author, who was one of the most learned divines of his day. Another is given, among the multitude of which he had the most convincing proof. He writes: "It was on the 2d day of May, in the year 1687, that a most ingenious, accomplish'd and well-dispos'd young gentleman, Mr. Joseph Beacon by Name, about 5 o'clock in the morning, as he lay, whether sleeping or waking he could not say (but he judged the latter of them), had a view of his brother, then at London, although he was himself at our Boston, distanc'd from him a thousand leagues. This his brother appear'd to him in the morning (I say) about 5 o'clock, at Boston, having on him a Bengale gown, which he usually wore, with a napkin ty'd about his head; his countenance was very pale, ghastly, deadly, and he had a bloody wound on the side of his forehead. 'Brother,' says the affrighted Joseph, 'Brother,' answered the apparition. Said Joseph, 'What's the matter Brother? how came you here?' The apparition replied: 'Brother I have been most barbarously and inhumanly murdered by a debauch'd fellow, to whom I never did any wrong in my life.' Whereupon he gave a particular description of the murderer; adding, 'Brother, this fellow, changing his name, is attempting to come over to New England in Foy or Wild; I would pray you on the arrival of either of these, to get an order from the governour to seize the person whom I now have describ'd, and then do you indict him for the murder of your brother.' And so he vanished." Mather then adds an account, which shows that Beacon's brother was actually murdered as described, dying within the very hour in which his apparition appeared in Boston. He says that the murderer was tried, but, with the aid of his friends, saved his life. Joseph himself, our author says, died "a pious and hopeful death," and gave him the account written and signed with his own hand. While New England history abounds with stories like this, men incline to question an Icelandic writer, because he occasionally indulges in fancies of the same sort. Rather should we look for them to be more or less akin to what are called the "spiritual manifestations" of our modern times, and suggest the well-attested marvels that disturbed the Wesley family. (back)
92. Thorhild's Church. See Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 119. (back)
94. "Karl is the equivalent of the Anglo-Saxon "Carl," signifying a "Man." "Efni" finds its equivalent in the Latin Materia, signifying "Stuff." "Mannsefni" stood for a "promising man," and "Karlsefni" for a "real" or "sterling" man. The name was often used in the sense of a nickname, and indicated that the person to whom it was applied was made of "good stuff." (back)
95. Throughout this narrative of Thorfinn, the name of Eric occurs where that of Leif should be given. Eric died five years before Thorfinn came over to Greenland. This account having been written in Iceland, the author made a very natural mistake in supposing that Eric was still at the head of the family. The proper change has been made in the translation to avoid confusion. (back)
96. Yule was a pagan festival held originally in honor of Thor, the God of War, at the beginning of February, which was the opening of the Northman's year. But as Christianity has been established in Greenland for five years, the festival was now probably changed to December, and held in honor of Christ. (back)
97. Ante, p. 115. Widow of Thorstein Ericson. Rafn thinks, she is mentioned in this Saga by two names, Gudrid and Thurid, that one was her name in childhood, and the other in her maturer years, when Christianity came to have a practical bearing. Her father's name was Thorbiron, derived from Thor. It was supposed that those who bore the names of gods would find in these names a charm or special protection from danger. (back)
98. It was gain, not glory. They never boasted of thier voyages. (back)
99. This is a mistake, Eric's son was dead and buried at Crossaness in Vinland. It must have been another Thorvald. (back)
100. The Northmen had two ways of reckoning a hundred, the short and the long. The long hundred and twenty. We read in Tegner's Frithiof's Saga:
"But a house for itself was the banquet hall, fashioned in fir wood;
Not five hundred, thought told ten dozen to every hundred,
Filled that chamber so vast, when they gathered for Yule-tide
carousing." American ed., chap. III, p. 13.
Professor Rafn infers that the long hundred was here meant, because he thinks that the central inscription on Dighton Rock indicates CLI., the number of men Karlsefne had with him, after losing nine. (back)
101. The present island of Disco, also called by the Northmen, Biarney, or Bear island. (back)
102. The northern coast of America was called Helluland the Great, and Newfoundland, Helluland, or Little Helluland.----Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 419. The sailing time is put too short. (back)
103. Supposed to be the Isle of Sable, but probably not. (back)
104. Thorvald had left the keel of his vessel here on the point of this cape, which was Cape Cod. In calling it by this name, they simply followed his example, as in the case of Helluland and Markland. (back)
106. This bay was probably the bay then situated between Point Gilbert and Isle Nauset, which Professor Agassiz proves to have existed. The writers do not mention this island in either of the accounts of Thorfinn's voyage; but it has been shown that Isle Nauset lay close to the shore, so that they might not know that it was an island without particular examination; and, if they were aware of its existence, it was not necessary to speak of it. Leif landed upon it and, therefore, it was mentioned by the author who wrote the account of his voyage. Yet Thorfinn's chroniclers help to prove its existence, by showing that beyond Wonder-strand there was a bay where they rode at anchor for three days. It must be noticed that the events are not set down in their exact order, for, after the writer gets the vessels into the bay, he goes back to speak of the landing of the Scots, which is often the case where a writer is full of his subject. Gosnold anchored in the same place in the night, and in the morning he remarked the number of coves, or as he calls them "breaches" in the land. The Saga mentions the same thing, saying, that the land "became indented with coves." These coves have now disappeared, yet the testimony of Gosnold shows how accurately the Northmen observed this part of the coast. Like Gosnold, they found it convenient and safe to lie here for a while. See Ante, p. 97, on "Sloop Mary." (back)
107. This is the first we hear of slaves in Vinland. We have already seen that among the proud Northmen, slavery, "thralldom," was a reality. One of the near relations of Ingolf, the first Northman who settled in Iceland, was murdered by his Scotch (Irish) slaves. See on their dress, Rafn, p. 140, note a. The grain found was called "Hveiti," wheat, or in general language "corn," not meaning the Indian maise. (back)
108. This, if we are correct, was Nantucket or Martha's Vineyard, then perhaps united, forming one island, as great changes have taken place. (back)
109. Straumey, or Straum Isle, which indicates the powerful currents in this region. (back)
110. The gull, or some similar bird is here referred to. (back)
111. Buzzard's Bay. See note to p. 98. (back)
112. The shore opposite Martha's Vineyard. (back)
113. It would appear from what follows that he was engaged in a heathen invocation. This is the only instance on record of honor being paid to this heathen god on the shores of New England, yet we unwittingly recognize him every time we say "Thursday," that is, "Thor's Day." (back)
114. In olden times a certain portion of every whale cast ashore on Cape Cod, formed a perquisite of the clergy. Drift whales were set apart to swell the fund in aiding of building Trinity church, New York. (back)
115. Literally the Red-beard, as Thor, the Thunderer, was supposed to have had a beard of that color. The principal deity of the Northmen was Odin, a king who died in his bed in Sweden, and was afterward apotheosized. He was called the "Terrible God." The souls of men slain in battle were received by him into the hall of the gods. Next was Frey, considered a god of earth. Thor the Red-beard was synonymous with Jupiter. These three composed the supreme council of the gods. Afterward came the good and gentle Balder, with him came Brage, patron of eloquence and poetry, and his wife Iduna, charged with the care of certain apples. Also Heimdal the porter of the gods and builder of the rainbow, and Loke, a kind of Satan or evil principle aided by his children, the Wolf Fenris, the Serpent Midgard, and Hela or Death. The American red-breasted Robin is sacred to the red-bearded Thunderer; which explains the belief in some quarters, that whoever injures a robin will be struck by lightning. (back)
116. The Saga has already stated (ante, p. 121) that Thorhall "knew much about desert lands." He appears as a stubborn and pronounced character, full of his own opinions. Now, therefore, we have an illustration of the man. The critic should place the man's character and attainments in connection with this performance and note how thoroughly the are in keeping. These statements are of the nature of undesigned coincidences, and show here, as a multitude of instances elsewhere demonstrate, that the writer was treating well-known characters in connection with a well known voyage. These are the points which should be dwelt upon by the student. (back)
117. This is obscure about the "island," but the statement when duly considered proves again that we are reading a genuine narrative, and that there was a well-known island at this point. Every hiatus in the narrative must prove suggestive to the critical mind. (back)
118. This is Thorhall's sarcasm. (back)
119. We shall see from another part of this work, that the trade at that period between Ireland and Iceland, was very large. (back)
120. This may correspond to Mount Hope Bay. The Taunton river runs through it, and thence flows to the sea by Pocasset river and Seaconnet passage. Hop is from the Icelandic I Hópi, to recede, hence to form a bay. The coincidence in the name is curious. The fact that there is no lake here has been pointed out by one who appeared to have a fair equipment for criticism; but who, nevertheless, failed to recognize the fact that words equivalent to "Lake" were applied by Scandinavians to arms and branches of the sea, as well to waters entirely enclosed by land. In Scotland, where the Northmen colonized, and so generally employed thier own nomenclature, the popular usage is that of the Scandinavians, arms of the sea being, like the lakes, designated as "Lochs," while the Irish have the word "Lough." The Icelandic, in this case, is "vatn," generally meaning "water," but in the present connection it means a lake, like the English "Derwent Water." Rafn translates it lacus. (back)
121. Wheat. "Sialfsana hveitiakrar." (back)
122. In Iceland the halibut is called the sacred fish. Pliny uses the same name, which indicates that the water is safe where they are found. The halibut and most of the flat fish, such as flounders, are plentiful in that vicinity. The flounders are easily taken, and those who know how, often find them in very shoal water, burrowing just under the surface of the sand like a king crab. The Icelandic name of the fish is "Helgis fiskar," and the Danish Heleflyndre," which Rafn (p. 148) exhibits as Pleornectes Hippoglossus. Professor Horsford points out what he believes to have been ancient pits to catch fish, on the Charles river. (back)
123. Davis, speaking of the natives in Greenland, in his voyage of 1585, says, that, to indicate peaceful intentions, they pointed to the sun with their hands, after striking their breasts refusing to trust themselves to the English until they had done the same, through one of their number appointed for the purpose, "who stroke his breast and pointed to the sunne after their order." This pointing to the sun in token of peace, taken with the description of the people, shows conclusively that the people seen by Karlsefne and Davis were of the same tribe or race, and formerly occupying a more southerly locality. (back)
124. This is language that might be employed by an Icelander, to indicate the difference between the new country and his own. It may have been an intentional exaggeration, similar to those of Eric in describing Greenland. Yet even if it were a serious attempt at history, it could not be regarded as farther from the truth, than Dr. Cotton Mather's description of the climate of New England, where he tells us, in his Christian Philosopher, that formerly water, tossed up in the air, came down ice; and that in one place in Massachusetts it actually snowed wool, some of which he preserved in a box in his study. (back)
125. The red shield was the sign of war, and the white, of peace. (back)
126. Davis mentions their slings, and his general description of the people agrees with that of the Icelanders. See "Inventio Fortunata." (back)
127. This can be explained. These people, doubtless, had their own ideas of the best method of conducting a fight. They were evidently Esquimaux, and formerly, according to Crantz, appear to have lived on this coast before it was occupied by the Indians, who, being a superior race, soon drove them away. But by referring to Schoolcraft's work on the Indians (vol I, p. 83) we find that such an instrument was actually employed in this country at a very early period. Schoolcraft says that many generations ago the natives used to sew up a round boulder in the skin of an animal and hang it upon a pole which was borne by several warriors, and when brought down suddenly upon a group of men produced consternation and death. This mode of warfare, learned perhaps by the Indians from the Skrællings, has not been practiced for the last three hundred years, but prevailed at the period when the Northmen were in America. (back)
128. This appears to have been some piece of feminine bravado that does not appear to have gained a correct representation, though, in the woman's condition, the Skrællings seemed to understand her. (back)
129. Now the narrator goes back to mention what appeared to him curious incidents. These Skrællings were still in the Stone Age, and evidently did not know the use of iron. Stone was their standard of excellence, and when the iron would not cut the stone they threw it away. From the third account of Karlsefne's expedition we shall see that the man killed was a Skrælling. Abbott's researches show, beyond question, that the Indian was preceded by a people like the Esquimaux, whose stone implements are found in the Trenton gravel, large numbers of which are shown in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge. See Abbott's work on the Trenton Valley Stone Implements. (back)
130. This may have been a short exploration by Narragansett Bay. (back)
131. The ancient Mexicans mixed human blood with bread offered on the altar of their deities. (back)
132. The lines inclosed in brackets, convey what the writer understood to be a mere rumor. This report was evidently untrue, yet it shows his honest intentions. (back)
133. They appear to have sailed around Cape Cod, then steered across to Plymouth, coasted up the shore and entered Boston Harbor, or some other river mouth. (back)
134. Einfoetingr, from ein, one, and fotr, foot. This term appears to have been given by some old writers, to one of the African tribes, on account of a peculiarity of dress, which Wormskiold describes as a triangular cloth, hanging down so low, both before and behind, that the feet were concealted. In an old work called Rimbigla, a tribe of this class, dwelling in Blaland, Ethopia, are thus described---Beamish, p. 101. We do not say how far the Saga writer employs his fancy on the Uniped, yet he is quite excusable, considering the weakness of modern writers. In 1634, Hans Egede wrote as follows about a hideous monster: "July 6, a most sea monster was seen, which reared itself so high above the water, that its head overtopped our mainsail.......Instead of fins, it had broad flaps like wings; its body seemed to be overgrown like shell work......It was shaped like a serpent behind, and when it dived,......raised its tail above the water, a whole ship's length."-----Egede's Greenland, p. 85; Crantz's Greenland, vol. III, p. 116. Hudson even describes a mermaid. St. Augustine in one place refers to Unipeds.
The Rev. Dr. Cotton Mather, who has before been quoted, gives among other notable facts in his Magnalia, the statement, that in June, 1682, Mary Hortado, of Salmon Falls, was going with her husband "over the river in her canoe, when they saw the head of a man, and about three foot off, the tail of a cat, swimming before the canoe, but no body to join them.....A stone thrown by an invisible hand after this, caus'd a swelling and a soreness in her head; and she was bitten on both arms black and blue, and her breast scratch'd. The impression of the teeth, which were like a man's teeth, were seen by many."---Magnalia, vol. I, p. 454. (back)
135. Evidently this name is wrongly given; Thorvald Ericson had been killed in a previous expedition. The second narrative of Karlsefne says that this Thorvald was a relation of Eric. (back)
136. Probably the Blue Hilss of Milton, which are considered as extending almost if not quite, to Mount Hope, in Rhode Island. The distance is given conjecturally, but it shows that the writer was describing a veritable voyage, reminding one of some of the statements with regards to hills in Weymouth's voyage to Kennebec. Some critics demand from the Northmen more exact descriptions of the coast than are given by many navigators of the seventeenth century. (back)
137. That is, they fled into hiding places or got into underground abodes. (back)
138. If we are correct in supposing that there was a glacial man, and that the Skrællings were descendants of such a glacial man, if follows that we have in the Sagas four of his words, which may be the oldest known words of human speech: Vatheldi, Uvæge, Avalldania, and Valldidia, the names of the parents of the Skrælling boys, and of the two kings. At least, in a recent note addressed in the language of the Esquimaux to prevent us from assigning it to an antiquity as high as that of the supposed glaicial man. See "Glacial Man," etc. Popular S. Rev., XVIII, p. 39. (back)
139. The locations of this place will be discussed in the Minor Narratives. (back)
140. This was the teredo, which is often so destructive, and which caused Columbus to abandon a ship at Puerto Bello, because he could not keep her afloat. See Irving's "Columbus," p. 287. (back)
141. This was truly in accordance with the noble spirit of the great Northmen, who had no fear of death, which to heroes, is the shining gate of Valhalla. Biarne joined Karlsefne with a ship. Ante, p. 121. There may be some confusion here so far as relates to the statement that the survivors reached Dublin. Thorhall, the Hunter, we are elsewhere told, was driven to Ireland, but Biarne was not with him. The first narrative states distinctly that he remained with Thorfinn Karlsefne, and only two ships are mentioned, his own and Biarne's. It appears, however that there was a third, probably a small one, in which Thorhall, the Hunter, went northward around Vinland. It may be perfectly true, however, that two parties from Karlsefne's expedition finally brought up in Ireland, as the annals of shipwreck furnish multitudes of most curious and remarkable incidents which outdo the creations of romance. See the recent case of the woman carried alone in a small fishing vessel from the coast of England in a severe gale, and cast upon the coast of Norway. (back)
142. Here we have a distinct evidence of the fact that history was cultivated in Greenland. (back)
143. Here, the writer is correct. See ante, p. 121. (back)
145. See on all these passages, ante, p. 109. It is rather absurd to suppose that the Northmen would have staid three years at a point only three days' sail from Greenland, which is the time given to the Keel Cape, without communicating with home. We must extend the distance. (back)
146. The same bay referred to in the previous account, and which lay between Point Gilbert and Isle Nauset. Archer, in his account of Gosnold's voyage, says, that when they rounded Point Care, the extremity of Isle Nauset, "We bore up again with the land, and in the night, came with it anchoring in eight fathoms, the ground good." Here it will be seen that the Northmen lay safely for three days. Ante, p. 123. (back)
147. In the first account it is called a Kiafal. (back)
148. The Sloop Mary delayed under similar circumstances. Ante, p. 97, note. (back)
149. The agreement with the first account is substantial. (back)
150. This island may have been the modern Nantucket. See ante, p. 105. (back)
151. The identification of particular localities may be interesting, but it is not essential so long as we are able to show the general agreement of a description with some unmistakable region. Torfæus found, in the various accounts, a region which he expressed by a drawing, showing a large promontory extending northward similar to Cape Cod, the general features of which, in connection with the coast south and south-west, are well delineated in all the Saga descriptions of "Vinland." The temperature and productions of the country likewise agree, and though the sailing distance in reaching the Keel Cape (Kiarlarness) may be too short, we can easily understand how that came about and can add to the time what may be needed; but we cannot modify the general description of the country with its great cape, the passage around which is so many times described. These general features are distinct and indestructable, and show conclusively that the Northmen in their various expeditions were accustomed to sail around Cape Cod, finding a rendezvous at the south or south-west not far from the heel of the cape. (back)
152. This incident is not mentioned in the first narrative. We repeat that the island may have been Martha's Vineyard. (back)
153. Observe that it is not said that they left the "island," but that they went to Straumfiord and hunted on the mainland, which is another of the many coincidences agreeing with the first narrative which mentions their leaving the island. Such unexpected agreements should not be lost with students really bent upon knowing the nature of these compositions. (back)
154. These narratives were originally recited, and doubtless in the hearing of some of those who had taken part in the expedition, and what island was intended must have been clear to them. These little omissions prove much to a critical mind. Ante, p. 109, note. (back)
155. Notice the word building. Karlsefne evidently erected some kind of structures as well as Leif, and their enterprise seeks to excite the ridicule of Thorhall. This version of his song varies from the previous (p. 126) which does not mention the building. (back)
156. The first narrative says substantially the same thing, that Thorhall died in Ireland. Ante, p. 127. (back)
157. The first narrative speaks of the shoals. Since that time changes have taken place in the physical aspects of the region. On the lake. See ante, p. 127, note 2. (back)
158. This narrative wholly omits the battle with the Skrællings. Each writer, as in the Gospel narratives, seems to dwell upon the points in which he or others felt a particular interest. (back)
159. This might have been the case on some remarkable season, like one well-known season in Iceland. (back)
160. This range extends to the Blue Hills of Massachusetts, which indicates considerable activity in exploration (ante, p. 134). This Saga says distinctly that they expected to explore the land. During the three years spent here Karlsefne must have done much. (back)
161. See ante, p. 135, n. 2. (back)
162. Also called the Irish sea, and the sea before Vinland. (back)
163. The first narrative (ante, p. 137) says that they reached Dublin. We have suggested that this statement was confused with the case of Thorhall, who was carried there. The statement of this narrative allows us to suppose that the survivors reached Greenland. (back)
164. This account leaves out Biarne and Thorhall, who evidently had two ships. Ante, p. 137. (back)
165. These could be easily carried, especially as their cattle were small. All the early Portuguese expeditions carried their live stock with them. See Prince Henry the Navigator. (back)
166. The diffferent events are here stated with some rapidity, and we seem to reach Leif's booths or huts sooner than necessary. According to the two previous accounts, they did not reach the locality of Leif's booths until the summer after they found the whale. These booths, it would appear, were at Mt. Hope Bay. This is either the result of confusion in the mind of the writer, or else it is founded on the fact that Leif erected habitations at both places. In the first two accounts of Thorfinn Karlsefne's expedition, Leif's booths are not alluded to. There may be no real contradiction after all. (back)
167. The other accounts say that the whale made them sick; but that was not because the flesh of the whale was spoiled. Beamish, in his translation of the song of Thorhall, indeed makes that disagreeable pagan tell his comrades, that, if they wish, they
"Fetid whales may boil
Here on Furdustrand
Far from Fatherland;"
but there is nothing in the text to throw suspicion upon the whale. The trouble was, perhaps, that a sudden overfeeding caused nausea, and the whale was thrown away afterward in religious disgust. Yet the event is out of its chronological order, and properly belongs in the account of the next year, and gives only the favorable aspect of the case. (back)
168. The second narrative makes no mention of the barter, while the first speaks of the anxiety of the natives to secure red cloth (ante, p. 129). But this reference is perfectly consistent with the first, the red cloth being exhausted, as appears from the statement. Then, naturally, though it is not mentioned in the first account, the Northmen resorted to their dairy products, which the natives, having no cattle, and not knowing of such things, received with avidity. One writer was thus more interested in the dairy, while the other was struck by what had been told him respecting barter in red cloth. Thus, wherever we turn in the Sagas, we find the statements agreeing with one another at unexpected points, and supplementing one another, showing that there was a full and true story of which each, with some slight differences, gave a part. We repeat again, that this is the line on which the Sagas should be studied. This internal evidence has been neglected. (back)
169. Possibly all evidences of this defense may have disappeared, yet it is not improbable that such remains may yet be discovered on Mount Hope Bay or in regions on the Massachusetts and Maine coasts. Possibly camps of the Northmen were utilized by the Indians. (back)
170. This event belongs to the previous year. These facts are not given in the other accounts, the writer appearing to have different information. (back)
171. This is another somewhat marvelous occurrence, similar to those with which Cotton Mather and others were accustomed to embellish New England history. It does not explain itself. (back)
172. For the previous versions of this affair of the axe, see p. 131. This last account appears a little plainer, but is in agreement with the first narrative, and also shows that Karlsefne had a plan of campaign. (back)
173. It is true that he decided to leave the country, but he did not carry out his intention until the following year, 1010. This narrative skips over all the events of the third year. It is nevertheless given, in order that the reader may have the fullest possible knowledge of any shortcomings that may exist in the manuscripts. This is done with the more confidence, for the reason that there is no doubt but that all the narratives contain a broad substratum of solid historical facts which there should be no difficulty in interpreting. (back)
174. From the statement at the end of the voyage of Freydis (see p. 155), we learn that the summer in which he returned from Iceland, Karlsefne went to Norway, and from thence the following spring to Iceland. This does not conflict with the statement in the above narrative, though at first it may appear to. It does not say that he went the following summer from Greenland to Iceland, but that on that summer, he went to Iceland, which is perfectly true, though poorly stated, and his previous voyage to Norway being ignored. (back)
176. Rafn says that "Thurid" was another name for Gudrid. Ante, p. 121, n. 2. (back)
177. In view of the facts of the case, the notion that any one of these Icelandic characters is to be viewed as mythical, or in the category with that of "Agamemnon," appears simply preposterous. The history of the times proves that they are, in the truest sense, historical characters. No genealogies, apart from the Hebrew records, are better known than those of prominent Icelandic families. There can be no reasonable doubt cast upon the record which attests the family line of Gudrid, the foundation of which was begun in New England, furnishing an important part of the Episcopal succession in Iceland. The attempt to question the records suggests, in a feeble way, the method used to prove that no such person as Napoleon Bonaparte ever existed. (back)
178. Garda was the Episcopal seat of Greenland. Freydis and her husband went to Vinland with Karlsefne. It was she who frightened the Skrællings. (back)
179. It would appear from this that the buildings were of a durable character. (back)
180. It appears that the route to Vinland had become so well known, that the Saga writers no longer thought it necessary to describe it. (back)
181. Mount Hope Bay often appears like a lake. Brereton, in his account of Gosnold's voyage, calls these same bays, lakes. He writes: "From this [Elizabeth] island, we went right over to the mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end." (back)
182. Freydis was evidently the principal in most things. (back)
183. By the Icelandic law a woman could seperate from her husband for a slight cause. (back)
184. According to this statement, the expedition returned very early, as Karlsefne went to Norway the same season, as previously told. (back)
185. If this transaction had occured during the previous century, when paganism universally prevailed, this atrocious set of the cold-blooded Freydis would have been the prelude to almost endless strife. (back)
186. This account is supplementary to the foregoing and is taken from the same work. Karlsefne, of course, sailed from Greenland. (back)
187. Húsasnotru has been translated "house-besom." The exact meaning is not known. A besom-shaft would be too small, however rare the wood, to be made into any thing of great value. The bar for securing the house door was as common as necessary in every house, and this, perhaps, is what is referred to. (back)
189. In the north of Iceland. (back)
190. Not far from Skagafiord, in Iceland. (back)
191. It is understood that she went to Rome. It may be asked why she did not spread the news of her son's voyage in those parts of Europe whither she went, and make known the discovery of the New World. To this it may again be replied, that the Icelanders had no idea that they had found a New World, and did not appreciate the value of their geographical knowledge. Besides, there is nothing to prove that Gudrid, and others who went to Europe at this period, did not make known the Icelandic discoveries. At that time no interest was taken in such subjects, and therefore we have little right to expect to find traces of discussion in relation to what, among a very small class, would be regarded, at the best, as a curious story. See note on Adam of Bremen, p. 104, n. 1. That some knowledge was possessed by Rome of the Icelandic voyages is highly probable, and, possibly, some fragments relating to the subject may still exist in the Vatican or some other collection. That any ancient records relating to the subject are known to the Librarians of Rome is rather unlikely, while it appears altogether improbable to the author, who has some knowledge respecting the condition of the Libraries in Rome, that any such knowledge would be suppressed. The Church of Rome, as we have already seen (Ante, p. 56), has always been prompt to use the Episcopal Icelandic voyages to demonstrate the priority of her occupation in America, while the proposition to canonize Columbus has been brusquely brushed aside. If there are any records at the Vatican relating to the subject they will no doubt be found and published. Of charts bearing upon the Icelandic discoveries, it is perhaps certain that there are none. (back)
192. It will be remembered that all this was foretold
by her former husband, Thorstein Ericson, when life was revived in the house
of Thorstein Black, in Greenland; from which we must infer that the voyage
of Thorstein Ericson was composed after, or during, the second widowhood of
Gudrid, and that circumstance, connected with Thorstein's prophecy, were in
accordance with the spirit of the age, imagined in order to meet the circumstances
of the case (see p. 115). That is to say: Thorstein knew all about his wife's
deep religious feeling and of her favorable opinion of conventual life, and,
in his last hours, spoke of the probabilities of the case, as many have done
before, while some circumstances connected with his "prophecy" were magnified,
and some things were imagined. The entire matter bears the stamp of the age,
and agrees with many superstitions that found a place in New England. Ante,
p. 115, n. 3. (back)
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