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A Short History of the Inquisition



The Inquisition

Page 1


        At root the word Inquisition signifies as little of evil as the primitive “inquire”, or the adjective “inquisitive”; but as words, like persons, lose their characters by bad associations, so “Inquisition” has become infamous and hideous as the name of an executive department of the Roman Catholic church. It calls up visions of torture, pictures of instruments that strain and break the joints and limbs; of forms racked and writhing with pain; of visages distorted with agony; of cowled tormenters, unctuous spies, intriguing ecclesiastics, sneaking familiars, and perjured witnesses. In the unseemly word Inquisition, so expressive in its nerve-twisting formation, is heard the sound of all the dread machinery of the sacerdotal tribunal it denotes. Speak it and there is heard the knock at the door, the footsteps of the nocturnal visitant; the word of arrest, the tramp through deserted streets to the prison, the sliding of bolts, the sound of shuffling feet dying away in dark passages, the audible silence of the dungeon, the summons to the chamber of torment, the question that is an accusation, the denial, the order for the application of torture, the gasp, the groan, the shriek, and then the “confession”, the lie extorted from the lips of suffering, that while bringing no relief to the victim, sentences to the same fate the members of his household, his relatives and friends. All crimes and all vices are contained in that one word Inquisition - murder, robbery, arson, outrage, torture, treachery, deceit, hypocrisy, cupidity, holiness. No other word in all languages is so hateful as this one that owes its abhorrent preeminence to is association with the Roman Catholic church. Beside it the word abomination is graceful and comely.
        1. The Imperial Inquisition was not a tribunal, but a process. Christianity was part of the law of the empire, and the civil officers used inquisitors to detect heretics. Persecuting priests could act only by inciting the officials to “enforce the laws,” as is the case to-day with our Sunday statutes.
        2. The Diocesan inquisition gradually developed out of the Imperial, and this is a warning to us of this age. This Inquisition was an ecclesiastical process or function. “As the penalties visited upon offenders under the codes of Theodosius and Justinian were largely of an ecclesiastical nature, and the bishops were more and more recognized as governmental aids, the civil powers committed the jurisdiction in inquisitorial cases to the bishops in their several dioceses (about 800). The bishops used for this purpose their synodal courts. There the accused were examined. If found guilty, they were instructed and admonished. If they remained obdurate, they were left in the hands of the secular court to be punished under the common law” (Johnson’s Cyclopedia, Art. Inquisition). This was substantially the method of procedure in the later inquisitions - the ecclesiastical courts tried and the civil authorities punished the heretics. They worked in conjunction, and it is ridiculous to claim that the church was guiltless of persecution unto death. In the United States in our day some of the inferior judges are harking back to he old methods by suspending the civil sentences of offenders on condition that they attend religious services for certain lengths of time. Pope Lucius III (1181-1185) at the Synod of Verona (1184) prepared a decree against the heretics of that time. He puts them under perpetual anathema. Laymen are to be delivered into the hands of the secular judges to be punished unless they abjure at once... All the secular authorities are to render every possible aid in the work under pain of excommunication and forfeiture of dignities” (ibid.).
        3. “The Papal Inquisition, for which the way was preparing, became independent of the Diocesan, though coexistent in part with it. It was created by special commission, was not permanent, was not an institution (ibid.). Heresy was spreading rapidly in Southern France at the close of the twelfth century. Innocent III (1198-1216) sent as papal legates the Cistercians Raineri and Guido into the disaffected district to increase the severity of repressive measures against the Waldenses (1198). In 1200 Peter of Castelnau was made associate inquisitor for Southern France. The powers of the papal legates were increases so as to bring non-compliant bishops within the net. Diego, bishop of Osma, and Dominec, appear on the scene. In 1206 Peter and Raoul went as spies among the Albigenses. Count Raymond of Toulouse abased himself in 1207 before Peter of Castelnau and promised to extirpate the heretics he had defended. Dominec advised a crusade against the Albigenses (1208). The pope’s inquisitors tried, condemned, and punished offenders, inflicting the death penalty itself with the concurrence of the civil powers. How the crusade urged by Dominec was conducted will appear further along.
        4. The Inquisition was destined to become a permanent institution. The vigor and success of the Papal Legatine Inquisition assured this. The Fourth Lateran Council took the initial steps (1215). Innocent III presided. The synodal courts were given something of the character of inquisitorial tribunals. Synods were to be held in each province annually, and violations of the Lateran canons rigorously punished. “The condemned were to be left in the hands of the secular power, and their goods were to be confiscated. The secular powers were to be admonished and induced, and, should it prove necessary, were to be compelled to the utmost of their power to exterminate all who were pointed out as heretics by the church. Any prince declining thus to purge his land of heresy was to be excommunicated. If he persisted, complaint was to be made to the pope, who was then to absolve his vassals from allegiance and allow the country to be seized by Catholics who should exterminate the heretics. Those who joined in the crusade for the extermination of heretics were to have the same indulgence as the crusaders who went to the Holy Land” (ibid.). In the face of this inexpunable record how futile it is fro modern church apologists to pretend that Rome did not shed blood, was not responsible for the atrocities of the Inquisition! “The Council of Toulouse (1229) adopted a number of canons tending to give permanent character to the Inquisition as an institution” (ibid.). It made or indicated the machinery for questioning, convicting, and punishing. Heretics were to be excluded from medical practice; the houses in which they were found were to be razed to the ground; they were to be delivered to the archbishop, bishop, or local authorities; forfeiture of public rights could be removed only by a papal dispensation; any one who allowed a heretic to remain in his country, or who shielded him in the slightest degree, would forfeit his land, personal property, and official position; the local magistracy must join in the search for heretics; “men from the age of fourteen, and women from twelve, were to make oath and renew it every two years, that they would inform on heretics” (ibid.). This made every person above those ages a bloodhound to track to torture and death his or her dearest friends and relatives. Local councils added to these regulations, always in the direction of severity and injustice.
        5. The organic development of the Papal Inquisition proceeded rapidly. It was found that bishops, for various reasons, would not always enforce the cruel canons of the councils. So Gregory IX (1227-41) in August, 1231, put the Inquisition under the control of the Dominicans, an order especially created for the defense of the church against heresy. Dominican inquisitors were appointed for Aragon, Germany, and Austria (1232) and for Lombardy and Southern France (1233). They were independent of the bishops. The accused were not confronted with the witnesses against them. “Confession was wrung from them by torture. The torture of those suspected of heresy was sanctioned by Innocent IV (1252). The torture was at the beginning applied by the civil authorities, but as the requisite secrecy was impossible with this arrangement, the Inquisition subsequently took the matter into its own hands, under direction of Urban IV (1261-64) (ibid.). this form of Inquisition what is sometimes called the “ecclesiastico-political,” was established in a number of European states.
        6. The ecclisiastico-political Inquisition was established in Aragon in the fourteenth century. But this Inquisition was, in Spain, overshadowed by the later one originating in Castile. They differed somewhat, but the victims of both were heretics, not primarily political offenders in the case of the Inquisition of Castile, as is falsely asserted by church apologists. Nicholas Eymerich was the central inquisitor of the Aragon institution, and to him “we owe the ‘Directorium Inquisitorum,’ which is a voucher for the substantial unity of the spirit and method of the Inquisition under its two forms” (ibid.). Cardinal Mendoza, archbishop first of Seville, and later of Toledo, was the first to move for a permanent ecclesiastical tribunal for the extirpation of heresy. He incited Ferdinand and Isabella to ask the pope for an authorization for such a court. Sixtus IV issued a bull (Nov. 1, 1478) giving them authority “to appoint and dispose inquisitors, and the possess themselves of the property of the condemned for the royal treasury” (ibid.).

Torquemada’s Appointment

Sept. 17, 1480, the Dominicans Morillo and St. Martin were made inquisitors. Very soon the work of destroying the Jews was proceeding with dispatch. Some fled to Rome and complained to the pope. In 1481 Sixtus wrote to Ferdinand rebuking the inquisitors for their severity, but in 1483 he urged the sovereigns to push on in the good work, and in that year he appointed Thomas de Torquemada Inquisitor-General of Castile and Aragon. This savage was confessor to the queen and had exerted all his powers to induce her to consent to the persecution of heretics. In the light of this appointment it is very easy to see the real Sixtus IV, and to realize that the letter written to Ferdinand in 1481 was buncombe. Terrorized by the inquisitor, the Spanish sovereign on March 31, 1492, signed the edict for the expulsion of the Jews. The Spanish Inquisition was introduced into Portugal (1557) after a protracted resistance, into the Netherlands, and into America shortly after the discovery of the country. Portugal carried it into the East Indies. In Portugal, Pombal (1750-82) so modified the Inquisition that the witnesses’ names must be given to the accused, he was permitted to have a lawyer, and to confer with him. “John VI (of Portugal) (1792-1826) abolished the Inquisition both at home and in the colonies. Don Miguel (1828-34) showed a strong disposition to restore it, but was not able to do so. The world over, the Inquisition, in both forms, has fallen. Whatever may be the difference in their details, the historical conditions of its life in both forms are substantially the same” (ibid.). In Spain the clerics fought for it to the last. Count Aranda, minister of state, limited its powers in 1770. Jerome Bonaparte abolished it in 1808. Ferdinand VII restored it in 1814. “In the revolution of 1820 one of the first objects of the popular fury was the Casa Santa, the palace of the Inquisition at Madrid. The tribunal itself was again abolished by the Cortes. The clerical or ‘apostolic’ party considered the restoration of the Inquisition a matter of vital necessity and labored energetically to bring it about. In 1825 a junta favourable to the Inquisition came in, and in 1826 the Inquisition was reestablished in Valencia. After the death of Ferdinand VII (1833) the law of July 15, 1834, again abolished it, and by a royal edict of 1835 its property was confiscated and devoted to the payment of the public debt” (ibid.).
        From this outlined sketch of the Inquisition, its rise and fall, we pass to details of its methods and proceedings.
        Subordinate officers called “familiars” arrested and brought the accused to the place of judgement. Its ecclesiastical and temporal prerogatives made the position of familiar one much desired. The familiar must be of untainted Christian ancestry, and he was sworn to secrecy. The holding of heretical opinions or conniving at such holding, astrology, fortune-telling, witchcraft, blasphemy, offenses against the Holy Office or its officials, insincere “conversion” from Judaism and Mohammedanism, and unbelief, were some of the ‘crimes’ into which the Inquisition inquired and barbarously punished. “The familiars, the holy Hermandad (the government police fraternity), and the Fraternity of the Conciada followed pitilessly on the tracks of all who had been designated by the Inquisition” (ibid.). Suspicion was itself sufficient to drive away the kindred and friends of the unfortunate.
        Sympathy for his person would be interpreted as sympathy with his heresy. His family and domestics could testify against him but not for him. After the first examination enough of his property was confiscated to cover the expenses of the preliminary investigation. His head was shaved, and he was put in a dark prison. If he confessed at once - whether guilty or not - he was a penitent and escaped death, but he and all his kindred were dishonoured and could hold no place of public trust. Denying the charge, and proof failing to be forthcoming, he was discharged, but remained under the surveillance of the familiars, with the result usually that he was arrested a second time, and then came the long-drawn out proceeding of the Inquisition. Refusing to confess at the first hearing, he was remanded to prison. “After the lapse of several months he was required to make oath before the crucifix that he would acknowledge the whole truth. If he refused to do this, he was condemned without further evidence. If he took the oath, leading question were put to him well calculated to entangle him. The legal counsel was not to act in the interest of his client, nor see him in private, but was to urge him to the confession of the truth” (ibid.). The witnesses were unknown to him, there was no cross-examination, their unsupported testimony was accepted, no matter how disreputable their characters. The informer could testify against him, and two heresay-witnesses were equal to one eye-witness! Sometimes the proceeding dragged for years, the prisoner’s property, or that of other heretics, paying the bill, and he remaining immured in the most horrible of dungeons. If he persisted in his refusal to confess, he was subjected to three grades of torture - the cord, the water, and the fire. If he confessed under the first torture, he was tortured again to ascertain his motives in confessing, and a third time to induce him to betray his accomplices and sympathizers. Of course he would usually confess to the guilt of anybody the inquisitors wanted to get hold of, and that testimony was all that was needed to convict his friend or a perfect stranger to him. Then he was left to suffer without medical care until the time came for his death, if he was to die. Whether he suffered imprisonment, exile, or death, his property was confiscated and his family were infamous forever. If he both confessed and abjured his errors he was compelled to wear for a certain time a peculiar garb that advertised his infamy. If he laid it off before the time expired he was punished as impenitent. After he had worn it the prescribed period, it was hung up in the church, labeled with his name and offense. Relapse into the crime was equivalent to death. If he did not confess under all the torture, he found himself in a still worse prison. “If even this produced no results, the opposite policy was tried. Relatives and friends were permitted to see him; the hope was excited in his mind that a penitent confession might yet secure pardon or pity for him” (ibid.). The dead as well as the living were tried. “If forty years had passed between his decease and his conviction, his heirs retained his property, but were infamous and incapable of bearing public office. If the remains of the suspected dead could be found, they were burned; if not, the burning in effigy was substituted.” From this the reader will perceive that the burning in effigy was no mere bit of melodramatic spite-work; it ruined millions of people and correspondingly enriched the murderous church. Following the minor horrors came the culminating horror of the auto-da-fe, the slow and ceremonious burning to death of those marked for destruction. Often scores if not hundreds were sacrificed at once in these Christian holocausts. The ghastly exhibitions were attended by men, and women, and children; by peasant, and priest, and prince; by tradesman, and soldier, and king; by the learned, and the ignorant; by the fanatic, and the hypocrite. An expression of sympathy for the victims was a death-warrant; from this school graduated adepts in cruelty and crime.


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