Home of the Eddic Lays
Chapter 7
Page 1
THE RELATION OF THE FIRST
HELGI-LAY TO THE WOLFDIETRICH STORY.
Various High-German poets
celebrate Wolfdietrich, the son of Huge Dietrich (or Hugdietrich). Müllenhoff
has tried to prove (1) that
this legendary hero had his historical prototype in the Merovingian King
Theodebert (d. 547), son of Theodoric (d. 534). Theodoric is referred
to in the Quedlinburg Annals (2) of the beginning
of the eleventh century as 'Hugo Theodoricus,......id est Francus, quia
olim omnes Franci Hugones vocabantur a suo quodam duce Hugone.' Widukind
(the second half of the tenth century) says (I, 9) that Thiadricus was
the son of Huga. The so-called Poeta Saxo (about 890) testifies (v. 119)
that this Theodoric was the subject of songs (Theodricos......canunt).
There can be no doubt that the Huge Dietrich of poetic saga got his name
Huge from the Frankish Theodoric. This name must have been applied to
him in some Frankish form of the heroic poem. But originally he was, I
suppose, intended to represent the East-Gothic Theodoric; and the poem,
which in its oldest form must have been Gothic, originally treated of
his birth and his early life in the Balkan peninsula. (3)
The Wolfdietrich-saga is now chiefly known to us from several High-German
poems of a 'popular' epic character (Spielmannsdichtungen) of the thirteenth
century, (4) varying more or less from one another.
Wolfdietrich A is found
in a unique MS. of the year 1517. It serves as a continuation of Ortnit,
which in its original form was composed, not before 1231, by a poet of
Bavarian-Austrian nationality, perhaps from the Tyrol. In language, style,
and metre, Woldietrich A resembles Ortnit so closely that it must be the
work either of the same poet or of an imitator who lived in the first
half of the thirteenth century. Yet this is true only of that part which
takes us up to the twelfth adventure. What follows (v. 506 ff) was composed
by a different poet, and shows the influence of Wolfdietrich B. The MS
ends with the sixteenth adventure (after v. 606), and the conclusion of
this version of the story is known only from a poor summary (K).
Wolfdietrich B is believed
to have been composed about 1225 by a Bavarian poet. It has as an introduction,
not Ortnit, but a tale of Hugdietrich's love-making. Only the first two
sections are extant in their original full extent. The four following
sections are known from a shortened version, of less poetic value, supposed
to date from about 1250.
Of Wolfdietrich C, which
is thought to have had its origin in Frankish Bavaria, not before 1250,
only a few fragments are preserved. Like Wfd. A the poem is united with
Ortnit. This is likewise the case with D, the most extensive of all the
German versions, formed from B and C with many changes and amplifications,
D is in the Alemannian dialect, and was written in northern Swabia immediately
after 1280.
All these versions of
the Wolfdietrich-story are composed in a modified form of the Nibelungen
strophe. They are not much affected by 'courtly' art, but have many of
the special features of popular poetry. (5)
These German versions were influenced by French epic poetry. (6)
The Middle High German poem Rother adopted some motives from the Wolfdietrich-story.
The main contents of this
story (of which versions A and B concern us most) are as follows: Woldietrich
was the son of the Greek King Hugdietrich. (7)
When a new-born infant he was found uninjured among a number of wolves,---hence
his name. He grew up under the care of the old and faithful Berchtung
von Meran. On the death of his father, the kingdom was divided among the
king's sons; but Wolfdietrich was at once repudiated by his brothers,
who were unwilling to recognise him as their father's legitimate son,
and his faithful followers were imprisoned. This was brought about, according
to A, by the faithless Sabene. Wolfdietrich then set out for foreign lands
and had many adventures, among others one with a mermaid. He killed a
serpent which had caused King Ortnit's death, and married the latter's
widow. Long afterwards he returned from his wanderings, freed his men,
imprisoned his brothers, and recovered his kingdom.
There were also Low-German
poems, now lost, about this same hero. As I have elsewhere (8)
pointed out the Danish ballad of Gralver (Grundtvig, No. 29), i.e. Gráulfr
or Granuol, i.e. gránulf, is based on a Low-German poem (presumably of
the thirteenth century) which told how a serpent was killed by 'Graywolf'
(i.e. Wolfdietrich).
A church door, which cannot
be older than 1180-1190, from Valþjófsstaðir in the eastern part of Iceland,
has carvings which represent a knight conquering a dragon, and thereby
freeing a lion. This knight is evidently Wolfdietrich; for in the accompanying
runic inscription he is designated as 'King of the Greeks.' This Icelandic
story had also, doubtless, a North-German source. We have the same account
in the þiðrikssaga, which here follows a Low-German authority, and in
a Danish ballad about Diedrich of Bern.
The Anglo-Saxons also
knew the stories of the Frankish Theodoric, for in the poem Wîdsîð, which
refers to a great many heroic sagas, and contains reminiscences of events
of the sixth century and earlier, we read (l. 24): 'Theodric ruled over
the Franks.' Among those whom the minstrel visited at the court of Eormanric,
he mentions (l. 115) Seafola and Theodric; but Seafola is certainly, as
Müllenhoff has pointed out, the same person as the faithless Sabene in
Wolfdietrich A. The stories of this Theodoric, who corresponds to Woldietrich,
and of Seafola, must have come to the English from the Franks.
This saga of the West-Germanic
Franks was also inherited by the French. Heinzel has proved (9)
that a French chanson de geste, 'Parise la duchesse,' (10)
preserved in a MS of the thirteenth century, shows great similarity to
Wolfdietrich, not only in separate features and names, but also in the
whole course of the story. In general, the French poem resembles most
of the German redaction A, as, for example, in the feature that the hero's
mother is slandered and obliged to leave the land. In certain features,
however, the French poem is closer to B; we read, for example, in both
that the child had a cross on the right shoulder.
It has not hitherto been
noticed that the Frankish Wolfdietrich-story, doubtless in the form in
which it was known by the English, also exerted some influence on an Irish
story. I refer to the story of Cormac's Birth, preserved in the Book of
Ballymote, an Irish MS of the end of the fourteenth century. (11)
The main features are as follows: King Art, son of Conn of the Hudnred
Battles, comes, the night before his death, to the house of the smith
Olc Acha, and sleeps with Etan, the latter's daughter. He tells her that
she shall bear him a son who shall become King of Ireland, and he instructs
her how she is to act in regard to the child. In the morning he takes
his leave, bidding her carry her son, whom she is to call Cormac, to his
(Art's) friend Lugna in Corann in Connaught, to be brought up by him.
That same day King Art falls, as he had foretold, in a battle against
Lugaid mac Con.
When Etan feels that her
time is at hand, she sets out to go to Lugna; but on the way gives birth
to her child in a forest. Cormac is born. He then utters a poem on the
child's coming greatness, saying: 'Now is born the son of the true prince,
Cormac the son of Art,' and at once goes in search of him.
The mother falls asleep
after being delivered. The maid who accompanies her also falls asleep,
and a she-wolf then comes and bears the infant unnoticed to her cave.
The mother laments when she wakes and does not find her child. Lugna soon
comes to her, and she accompanies him home.
Lugna offers a reward
to the finder of the babe. Grec mac Arod, wandering one day in the forest,
comes upon the wolf's cave, and sees the little boy moving about on all-fours
among the young wolves. He tells this to Lugna, who returns with him to
the place and takes both the boy and the whelps. The child is brought
up by Lugna, who calls him Cormac in accordance with Art's wish.
Once when Cormac was playing
with Lugna's two sons, he strikes one of them, who thereupon taunts the
young hero with not having a father. Much distressed, Cormac tells Lugna
what he has heard. Lugna reveals to him his parentage, and adds that it
was prophesied that he should become king. Cormac, with his wolves, then
makes his way to the royal residence at Tara. He is accompanied by Lugna
and by a body of men who have been in Corann because too heavy a fine
has been laid upon them for a murder. In Tara, Cormac is received as a
foster-son.
Some time after, King
Lugaid mac Con pronounces an unjust judgment in a legal dispute. Cormac
speaks out against this and proposes another decision which the whole
people approve. They cry out: 'This is the true prince's son.' Mac Con
is thereupon driven away, and Cormac is made king.
Cormac is a genuine Irish
saga-king. He is said to have been born in the year 195 of our era, and
to have reigned as High-King of Ireland from 227-266. He had the reputation
of being one of the wisest of the ancient rulers of Ireland, and was famed
as a judge and lawgiver.
The Book of Leinster,
which was written before 1160, contains a story called The Battle of Mag
Mucrime (12) (the battle in
which King Art fell when fighting against Lugaid mac Con.). Here we find
the first part of the story of Cormac's Birth along with information as
to Art's death. Yet Art's friend, at whose house his son is to be brought
up, is merely described as one of the men of Connaught, netiher his name
nor that of his dwelling being given. The story also tells of Lugaid's
unjust and Cormac's just judgment in Tara, which occasioned Cormac's call
to the throne.
I take that part of the
story which the tale of Cormac's Birth in the Book of Ballymote has retained
from the older account of the Battle of ag Mucrime (preserved among other
places, in the Book of Leinster) to be original Irish tradition. Zimmer
has set forth the view (13) that it is a story
from Munster and Leinster, and that, since it shows no connection with
the saga-king Finn, it is somewhat older than the year 1000.
An Irish poem by Cinaed
hua Artacain, who died in 975, mentions the death of Art and Lugaid mac
Con, and the grave of Cormac, son of Art. (14)
In the story of Cormac's
Birth (which is found in no MSS that are earlier than the end of the fourteenth
and the fifteenth centuries) between the two original Irish sections which
tell, the one of Art's death and what takes place directly before, the
other of Cormac's appearance at Tara, a section is introduced describing
Cormac's birth and his youth spent with Lugna. This section appears to
me to be for the most part an imitation of some English poem on Wolf-Theodoric
(Wolfdietrich), which poem the Anglo-Saxons must have got from the Franks.
The form of the Wolfdietrich-story
which influenced the Irish tale must have agreed with the German version
B in representing the hero's mother not as his father's queen, but as
a young girl with whom he had secret intercourse. In German B 104-109,
Hugdietrich talks in the night with Hiltpurc, at whose side he is sleeping.
He tells her that she shall give birth to a child, decides what name the
child shall have, and gives her further instructions as to how she shall
act. (15) Next morning Hugdietrich
departs (B 124 ff). The English redaction of the Wolfdietrich-story which
influenced the Irish tale must have contained practically the same form
of this motive as that in German B. The obvious similarity between the
original Irish tale of Cormac and the Germanic story of Wolfdietrich in
this striking feature was one of the reasons why the former came to be
influenced by the latter. The same thing may be said of another point
of resemblance between the two accounts: Hugdietrich on his deathbed confides
Wolfdietrich to the faithful Berchtung (B 262, A 256), just as King Art
before his death decides that his son Cormac is to be brought up at the
house of his friend Lugna.
Let us now compare that
section of the Irish tale which is essentially an imitation of the Germanic
story of Wolfdietrich, with the various forms of the latter.
Cormac's mother makes
her way after Art's death to the latter's true friend Lugna. In like manner
Wolfdietrich's mother, in German A (278), betakes herself to Hugdietrich's
faithful follower Berchtung. But there is a difference, in that Cormac's
mother sets out in accordance with Art's instructions, and before her
child is born, whereas Woldietrich's mother, after her son is born, is
forced by Hugdietrich's brothers to make her way to Berchtung. In one
respect, the Irish tale here agrees with the French poem, for in the latter
Parise, exiled by her husband, sets out for a foreign land before her
son is born. (16)
Cormac's mother gives
birth to her son in a forest. Her maid breaks branches from the trees
and lays them under her. In this feature the Irish story shows a close
agreement with the French poem, in which Huguet is born out in the wood.
When Parise cannot travel further, her companions make her a bed of branches
and leaves.
In the Irish, a she-wolf
finds the child and carries it to a cave surrounded by bushes, where her
young are. So in German B (152-154) a wolf finds the child, carries it
away to a high mountain in which there is a cave, and lays it down before
its whelps. German A, which here is in general different, agrees, nevertheless,
with the Irish in that the child is borne away while the mother sleeps.
In both the Irish story and the German poem (A 121 ff, B 183 f) the mother
is in despair over the child's disappearance. So in the French poem, where
also the child is removed while the mother sleeps.
ENDNOTES:
1.
See Ztsch. f. d. Alt., VI, 435-460. Back
2. Mon. Germ., SS, III, 31. Back
3. I hope to give my reasons for this opinion at another time. Cf. W. Müller,
Mythol. d. d. Heldensage, pp. 202 ff. Back
4. See Ortnit und die Wolfdietriche nach Müllenhoffs Vorarbeiten, ed.
A. Amelung and O. Jänicke, I (1871), II (1873). Back
5. Cf., besides this edition F. Vogt in Paul's Grundriss, and E. H. Meyer
in Ztsch. f. d. Alt., XXXVIII, 65-95. Back
6. See Heinzel, Ostgot. Heldensage, pp. 77-82. Back
7. Son of Trippell, according to C. Back
8. In Arkiv for nord. Filol., XII, 1-29. Back
9. Über die ostgothische Heldensage, pp. 68 f, 78. Back
10. Ed. by Martonne, in 1836, and by Guessard and Larchey, in 1860; see
Paulin Paris in Hist. Litt., XXII, 659-667. Back
11. This MS has been published in facsimile. Ballymote lies in Sligo in
Connaught. The tale is edited by Standish H. O'Grady in Silva Gadelica Texts,
pp. 253-256; trans. pp. 286-289; cf. p. xi. Kuno Meyer (in Rev. Celt., XIV,
332) gives a number of corrections based on a new examination of the MS.
Whitley Stokes informs me that The Yellow Book of Lecan' contains
a copy of the same piece. Back
12. Edited with translation by Stokes in Rev. Celt.,
XIII, 426-74; and by O'Grady in Silva Gadelica, 310-18, transl. 347-59.
On the places in other old Irish documents where this battle is described,
see Stokes, p. 429. Back
13. Ztsch. f. d. Alt., XXXV, 8, 114 ff, 161; Gött. Gel. Anz., 1891
(No. 5), p. 170. Back
14. A text from about the year 1000 mentions The Adventures of Cormac,
grandson of Conn,' among the well-known stories of Ireland. See Zimmer in
Ztsch. f. d. Alt., XXXV, 126 f. Back
15. This motive, as well as several others in the
stories of Wolfdietrich and Cormac's Birth, occurs elsewhere in popular
poetry, as e.g. in the Norwegian ballad of Hugaball (Bugge, No. 5; Landstad,
No. 18). Here the hero, when he acts roughly towards other boys, is taunted
with the fact that he does not know who his father is. His mother then tells
him his father's name. This ballad has also the motive in common with the
Wfd. story that the illegitimate hero must fight with his brothers, the
legitimate sons of the king. Back
16. In the Irish, Etan makes the journey in a carriage. When travail comes
upon her she descends from the vehicle and gives birth to her son. This
feature may be due to the name of the hero Corbmac, which in Cormac's Glossary
(trans. p. 29) is explained as The son of a chariot.' Back
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