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Olympiodorus of Thebes, c. 425 CE: a Greek pagan historian from Thebes in Egypt, and had an interest in geography which led him to travel widely. Very careful about technical terms, Olympiodorus is noted for his "bare-bones" reports stressing facts and chronological accuracy.
His work now survives as summarized fragments, preserved first in the Bibliotheca of Photius in the ninth century. Photius does tell us, however, that the original work covered the years 407-425, was dedicated to Theodosius II and was published not long after 425 in 20 books.
Olympiodorus of Thebes and: http://www.vortigernstudies.org.uk/artsou/olympio.htm
He described a mission in which he took part in 412 to a Hun king who was given the Roman name Donatus. The outcome of the mission was that the emissaries, after exchanging oaths of friendship with Donatus, had him murdered.
Fragment 12
There was no doubt discontent [in Britain], with the rule of the Vandal Stilicho, and with lack of attention his government paid to the defence of Britain against the Picts.
Constantine had been proclaimed in the provinces of Britain and brought to power by a revolt of the soldiers. Indeed, in the provinces of Britain before the seventh consulship of Honorius in 407, they had stirred the army there to revolt, and proclaimed a certain Marcus as supreme ruler.
Constantine was then raised to the position of supreme commander. He appointed Justinus and Neovigastes as generals, and leaving ...Britain, crossed with his forces to Bononia [Bologna]... He waited there and, having won over all Gaul and the Aquitanian soldiery, he became master of Gaul as far as the Alps..
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Omont Fragment: 9th century Anglo-Saxon medical text.
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Ordinance of Louis the Pius, 817 CE
Henderson's Note:
The document by which Louis the Pious decreed the division of the empire among his three sons, one of whom, however, was to bear the title of emperor and exercise a supervision over the other two. This was a compromise between the unity of the indivisible imperial power and the received principles of heredity. The greatest advocates of unity had been the clergy, who looked upon the original establishment of the empire as the work of their head, the Pope. It was, therefore, from them that the greatest opposition came when, twelve years later, a new son having in the meantime been born to him, Louis tried to nullify the document here given and to undo his own work. Again and again did the luckless emperor have to suffer for trying to disregard an agreement, drawn up and sanctioned, as this had been, by the nobles, the higher clergy and the pope. It is scarcely necessary to remind the reader of how the latter used his personal influence in favour of the elder sons, and of how on the Field of Lies, he successfully exercised his powers of seduction on the troops of the emperor. After Louis's death the principles of heredity conquered at last the spirit of unity. By the treaty of Verdun (843)- of which unfortunately no authentic document remains- the three separate kingdoms were called into being which afterwards developed into France, Italy and Germany. The empire waned away, but did not die, although for a time the emperors were little more than petty local potentates. It was reserved for Otto the Great to restore it to its pristine glory.
Division of the Empire of the Year 817
In the name of the Lord God and of our Saviour Jesus Christ. Louis, the divine power ordaining, august emperor. While we in the name of God, in the year 817 of the incarnation of the Lord, in the tenth indiction, and in the fourth year of our reign, in the month of July, had assembled in our palace at Aix in our accustomed manner a sacred synod and the generality of our people to treat of ecclesiastical needs and the needs of our whole empire, and were intent upon these,-suddenly, by divine inspiration, it came about that our faithful ones warned us that, while we still remained safe and peace on all sides was granted by God, we should, after the manner of our forefathers, treat of the condition of the whole kingdom and of the case of our sons. But although this admonition was devoutly and faithfully given, nevertheless it seems good neither to us nor to those who know what is salutary' that for the love or for the sake of our sons the unity of the empire preserved to us by God should be rent by human division; lest by chance from this cause a scandal should arise in the holy church and we should incur the offending of Him in whose power are the laws of all kingdoms. Therefore we thought it necessary that by fastings and prayers and the giving of alms we should obtain from Him that which our infirmity did not presume. Which being duly performed for three days, by the will of Almighty God, as we believe, it was brought about that both our own wishes and those of our whole people concurred in the election of our beloved first-born Lothar. And so it pleased both us and all our people that he, thus manifested by the divine dispensation, being crowned in solemn manner with the imperial diadem, should, by common wish, be made our consort and successor to the empire if God should so wish. But as to his other brothers, Pippin, namely, and Louis our namesake, it seemed good by common counsel to distinguish them by the name of kings, and to fix upon the places named below, in which after our decease they may hold sway with regal power under their elder brother according to the clauses mentioned below, in which are contained the conditions which we have established among them. Which clauses, on account of the advantage of the empire, and of preserving perpetual peace among them, and for the safety of the whole church, it pleased us to deliberate upon with all our faithful ones; and having deliberated, to write down; and having written down, to confirm with our on hands: so that, God lending His aid, as they had been passed by all with common consent, so by common devotion they should be inviolably observed by all, to the perpetual peace of themselves and of the whole Christian people; saving in all things our imperial power over our sons and our people, with all the subjection which is exhibited by a father to his sons and to an emperor and king by his people.
1. We will that Pippin shall have Aquitania and Gascony, and all the March of Toulouse, and moreover four counties: namely, in Septimania Carcassone, and in Burgundy Autun, l'Avalonnais and Nevers.
2. Likewise we will that Louis shall have Bavaria and Carinthia, and the Bohemians, Avars, and Slavs, who are on the eastern side of Bavaria; and furthermore, two demesne towns to do service to him, in the county of Nortgau, Lauterburg and Ingolstadt.
3. We will that these two brothers, who are called by the name of king, shall possess power of themselves to distribute all honours within the range of their jurisdiction; provided that in the bishoprics and abbeys the ecclesiastical order shall be held to, and in giving other honours, honesty and utility shall be observed.
4. Likewise we will, that once a year, at a fitting times either together or individually, according as the condition of things allows, they shall come to their elder brother with their gifts, for the sake of visiting him, and seeing him, and treating with mutual fraternal love of those things which are necessary, and which pertain to the common utility and to perpetual peace. And if by chance one of them, impeded by some inevitable necessity, is unable to come at the accustomed and fitting time, he shall signify this to his elder brother by sending legates and gifts; so, nevertheless, that at whatever suitable time it may be possible for him, he shall not avoid coming through any feigned excuse.
5. We will and order that the elder brother, when one or both of his brothers shall come to him, as has been said, with gifts, shall, according as to him, by God's will, greater power has been attributed, likewise himself remunerate them with pious and fraternal love, and a more ample gift.
6. We will and order that the elder brother shall, either in person, or through his faithful envoys and his armies, according as reason dictates and time and occasion permits send help to his younger brothers when they shall reasonably ask him to come to their aid against external nations.
7. We likewise will that without the counsel and consent of the elder brother they by no means presume to make peace with, or engage in war against, foreign nations, and those that are hostile to this empire, which is in the care of God.
8. But as to envoys, if such are sent by external nations either for the sake of making peace, or engaging in war, or surrendering castles, or of arranging any other important matters, they, the younger brothers, shall by no means give them an answer without the knowledge of the elder brother, nor shall they send them away. But if envoys shall be sent to him from any place, he of the younger brothers to whom they shall first come, shall receive them with honour, and shall cause them, accompanied by faithful envoys, to come into his (the older brother's) presence. But in minor matters, according to the nature of the embassy, they may answer of themselves. But we add this warning, that in whatever condition affairs within their confines may be, they shall not neglect to keep their elder brother always informed, that he may be found always interested and ready to give his attention to whatever things the necessity and utility of the kingdom shall demand.
9. It seems best for us also to require that after our decease the vassal of each one of the brothers, for the sake of avoiding discord, shall have a benefice only in the domain of his ruler, and not in that of one of the others. But his own property and heritage, wherever it be, each one may possess according to his law, and without unjust interference, justice being observed, with honour and security; and each free man who has not a lord shall be allowed to commend himself to whichever of the three brothers he may wish.
10. But if, what God avert and what we least of all wish, it should happen that any one of the brothers, on account of desire for earthly goods, which is the root of all evils, shall be either a divider or oppressor of the churches or the poor, or shall exercise tyranny, in which all cruelty consists: first, in secret, according to the precept of God, he shall be warned once, twice, and thrice, through faithful envoys, to amend; and if he refuse them, being summoned by one brother before the other he shall be admonished and punished with fraternal and paternal love. And if he shall altogether spurn this healthful admonition, by the common sentence of all it shall be decreed what is to be done concerning him; so that him whom a healthful admonition could not recall from his wicked ways, the imperial power and the common sentence of all may coerce.
11. But the rulers of the churches of Francia shall have such power over the possessions of the same, whether in Aquitania or in Italy, or in other regions and provinces subject to this empire, as they had in the time of our father, or are known to have in our own.
12. Whatever of tribute, moreover, and rents and precious metals can be exacted or obtained within their confines, they shall possess; so that from these they may provide for their necessities, and may the better be able to prepare the gifts to be brought to their elder brother.
13. We will, also, that if to any one of them, after our decease, the time for marrying shall come, he shall take a wife with the counsel and consent of his elder brother. This, moreover, we decree shall be guarded against, for the sake of avoiding discords and removing harmful opportunities: that any one of them shall presume to take a wife from external nations. But the vassals of all of them, in order that the bonds of peace may be drawn more closely, may take their wives from whatever places they wish.
14. But if any one of them, dying, shall leave lawful children, his power shall not be divided among them; but rather the people, coming together in common, shall elect one of them who shall be pleasing to God; and this one the elder brother shall receive as a brother and a son, and, himself being treated with paternal honour, shall observe this constitution towards him in every way. But in the matter of the other children they shall, with pious love, discuss how they may keep them and give them advice, after the manner of our parents.
15. But if any one of them shall die without lawful children, his power shall revert to the elder brother. And if he shall happen to have children from concubines we exhort the elder brother to act mercifully towards them.
16. But if at our death either of them shall happen not yet to be of lawful age according to Ripuarian law, we will that, until he arrive at the established term of. years, just as now by us, so by his elder brother, both himself and his kingdom shall be cared for and governed. And when he shall come to be of lawful age, he shall in all things possess his power according to the manner laid down.
17. But to our son, if God will that he be our successor the kingdom of Italy shall in the aforesaid manner be subject in all things, just as it was subject to our father, and remains subject in the present time to us, by the will of God.
18. We exhort also the devotion of our whole people and that firmness of a most sincere faith, the fame of which has spread among almost all nations, that if our son, who by the divine ale shall succeed to us, shall depart from this life without legitimate heirs, they shall, for the sake of the salvation of all, and the tranquillity of the church and the unity of the empire, follow the conditions that we have made in the matter of his election, and elect one of our sons, if they shall survive their brother; so that in choosing him they shall seek to fulfil, not a human will, but the will of God.
Source: Henderson, Ernest F.; Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, London : George Bell and Sons, 1896
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Origo Gentis Langobardorum, date uncertain; a short epitome of Lombard history used as a source by Paul the Deacon. Text translated by William Dudley Foulkes.
I. There is an island [1] that is called Scadanan,[2] which is interpreted "destruction," [3] in the regions of the north, where many people dwell. Among these there was a small people that was called the Winniles. And with them was a woman, Gambara by name, and she had two sons. Ybor was the name of one and Agio the name of the other. They, with their mother, Gambara by name, held the sovereignty over the Winniles. Then the leaders of the Wandals, that is, Ambri and Assi, moved with their army, and said to the Winniles: "Either pay us tributes or prepare yourselves for battle and fight with us." Then answered Ybor and Agio, with their mother Gambara: "It is better for us to make ready the battle than to pay tributes to the Wandals." Then Ambri and Assi, that is, the leaders of the Wandals, asked Godan that he should give them the victory over the Winniles. Godan answered, saying: "Whom I shall first see when at sunrise, to them will I give the victory." At that time Gambara with her two sons, that is, Ybor and Agio, who were chiefs over the Winniles, besought Frea, the wife of Godan, to be propitious to the Winnilis. Then Frea gave counsel that at sunrise the Winniles should come, and that their women, with their hair let down around the face in the likeness of a beard, should also come with their husbands. Then when it became bright, while tlie sun was rising, Frea, the wife of Godan, turned around the bed where her husband was lying and put his face toward the east and awakened him. And he, looking at them, saw the Winniles and their women having their hair let down around the face. And he says, "Who are those Long-beards?" And Frea said to Godan, "As you have given them a name, give them also the victory." And he gave them the victory, so that they should defend themselves according to bis counsel and obtain the victory. From that time the Winniles were called Langobards.
[1] The Madrid and La Cava manuscripts in place of "There is an island" have ''That is under the consul" which is evidently a corruption (see Mommscn, p. 60, note 2). [2] "Scadan" says the Modena MS., "Scandanan," the La Cava MS.
[3] Exscidia (Modena MSS.). A derivation pointing to the Gothic word 'skattigan', to injure, German Schaden, English scathe (Hodg., VI, 90). Mommsen considers this a later interpolation to be rejected (p. 60, note 3).
II. And the Langobards moved thence and came to Golaida and afterwards they occupied the aldionates of Anthaib and Bainaib and also Burgundaib. And it is said that they made for themselves a king, Agilmund by name, the son of Agio, of the race of Gugingus. And after him reigned Laiamicho of the race of Gugingus.[1] And after him reigned Lethuc and it is said that he reigned about forty years. And after him reigned Aldihoc the son of Lethuc. And after him reigned Godehoc.
[1] The words "Of the race of Gugingus" are omitted in the Modena MSS. and Mommsen regards them (p. 68) as an interpolation (see also Bruckner Zeitschrift fur deutsches Alterthum, p. 56).
III. At that time king Audoachari went forth from Ravenna with the army of the Alani and came into Rugiland and fought with the Rugians and killed Theuvane king of the Rugians, and led many captives with him into Italy. Then the Langobards departed from their own territories and dwelt some years in Rugiland.
IV. Claffo, the son of Godehoc reigned after him. And after him reigned Tato the son of Claffo. The Langobards settled three years in the fields of Feld. Tato fought with Rodolf king of the Heruli and killed him and carried off his banner (vando) and helmet. After him the Heruli had no kingly office. And Wacho the son of Unichis killed king Tato his paternal uncle together with Zuchilo. And Wacho fought, and Ildichis the son of Tato fought, and Ildichis fled to the Gippidi where he died. And to avenge his wrong the Gypidis made war with the Langobards. At this time Wacho bent the Suabians under the dominion of the Langobards.
Wacho had three wives: (first) Raicunda, daughter of Fisud king of the Turingi. After her he took as his wife Austrigusa a girl of the Gippidi. [1] And Wacho had from Austrigusa two daughters; the name of one was Wisigarda whom he gave in marriage to Theudipert king [2] of the Franks, and the name of the second was Walderada whom Scusuald king of the Franks had as his wife, but having her in hatred he transferred her to Garipald for a wife. He had as his third wife the daughter of the king of the Heruli, Silinga by name. From her he had a son, Waltari by name. Wacho died and his son Waltari reigned seven years without posterity.[3] These were all Lethinges.
[1] Jacobi, 20, note 4. [2] Read 'regi' with Modena MS. in place of 'regis'. [3] "Farigaidus" (Bruckner, pp. 19, 203).
V. And after Waltari, reigned Auduin.[1] He led the Langobards into Pannonia. And there reigned after him Albuin, his son, whose mother is Rodelenda. At that time Albuin fought with the king of the Gippidi, Cunimund by name, and Cunimund died in that battle and the Gippidi were subjugated. Albuin took as his wife Cunimund's daughter Rosemund, whom he had captured as booty, since his wife Flutsuinda, who was the daughter of Flothar, king of the Franks, had already died. From her he had a daughter by name Albsuinda. And the Langobards dwelt forty-two years [2] in Pannonia. This Albuin led into Italy the Langobards who were invited by Narses (chief) of the secretaries. And Albuin, king of the Langobards, moved out of Pannonia in the month of April after [3] Easter in the first indiction. In the second indiction, indeed, they began to plunder in Italy, but in the third indiction he became master of Italy. Albuin reigned in Italy three years, and was killed in Verona in the palace by Rosemund his wife and Hilmichis upon the advice of Peritheo. Hilmichis wished to be king and could not because the Langobards wanted to slay him. Then Rosemund sent word to the prefect Longinus that he should receive her in Ravenna. When Longinus presently heard this he rejoiced; he sent a ship of the public service and they brought Rosemund and Hilmichis and Albsuinda, king Albuin's daughter, and conducted all the treasures of the Langobards with them to Ravenna. Then the prefect Longinus began to persuade Rosemund to kill Hilmichis and become the wife of Longinus. Having given ear to his counsel, she mixed poison and, after the bath, gave it to him (Hilmichis) to drink in a goblet.[4] But when Hilmichis had drunk, he knew that he had drunk something pernicious. He commanded that Rosemund herself should drink, although unwilling, and they both died. Then the prefect Longinus took the treasure of the Langobards and commanded Albsuinda, the daughter of king Albuin, to be put in a ship, and sent her over to Constantinople to the emperor.
[1] "Of the stock of Gausus" says the list of kings in Rothari's Prologue (Mon. Germ. Hist. Leges, IV, 2). [2] The Modena MS. says twelve. Neither number is correct. They probably remained there about twenty-two years. [3] 'A Pascha', (Waitz, p. II, 7, note.) [4] Thus Abel translates 'in caldo' (p. 6), or perhaps it is "In a hot potion."
VI. The rest of the Langobards set over themselves a king named Cleph, of the stock of Beleos, and Cleph reigned two years and died. And the dukes of the Langobards administered justice for twelve years and after these things they set up over themselves a king named Autari, the son of Cleph. And Autari took as his wife Theudelenda, a daughter of Garipald and of Walderada from Bavaria. And with Theudelenda came her brother named Gundoald, and king Autari appointed him duke in the city of Asta. And Autari reigned seven years. And Acquo,[1] the Thuringian duke,[2] departed from Turin and united himself with queen Theudelenda and became king of the Langobards. And he killed his rebel dukes Zangrolf of Verona, Mimulf of the island of St. Julian and Gaidulf of Bergamo, and others who were rebels. And Acquo begot of Theudelenda a daughter, Gunperga [3] by name. And Acquo reigned six years, and after him Aroal reigned twelve years.[4] And after him reigned Rothari, of the race of Arodus, and he destroyed the city and fortresses of the Romans which were around the coasts from the neighborhood of Luna [5] up to the land of the Franks and in the east up to Ubitergium (Oderzo). And he fought near the river Scultenna, [6] and there fell on the side of the Romans the number of eight thousand.
[1] Aggo in Modena MSS. [2] 'Turingus'. Perhaps this merely means that he was duke of Turin. "Of the stock of Anawas" adds the Prologue to Rothari's Edict (Mon. Germ. Hist. Leges, Vol. IV, p. 2).
[3] "And a son named Adwald" adds the Modena MSS. [4] In the Prologue, "Arioald of the race of Caupus." The text here seems greatly corrupted. Paul and the Chronicon Gothanum give Agilulf's reign at 25 years and that of his son Adalwald (here omitted) at 10 years. [5] Northwest of Lucca. [6] In Modena.
VII. And Rothari reigned seventeen years. And after him reigned Aripert nine years. And after him reigned Grimoald.[1] At this time the emperor Constantinc departed from Constantinople and came into the territories of Campania and turned back to Sicily and was killed by his own people. And Grimoald reigned nine years, and after him Berthari reigned.[2]
[1] The Modena MSS. adds "seventeen years." [2] The Modena MSS. omits the sentence regarding Berthari.
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Orosius, Paulus; c. 417: Historiarum adversus paganos libri septem (Seven Books of History Against the Pagans) 4, 121, 58; see:
Orosius and http://www.vortigernstudies.org.uk/artsou/orosius.htm
From: Robert Vermaat
A native of Spain, probably the town of Bracara, now in Portugal, between 380 and 390. His first name, Paulus, has been known only since the eighth century. The dates of his birth and death are not being precisely known, but he lived around the turn of the fifth century, being both a historian and a priest. He was ordained, and fled from Spain to Africa in 413 or 414, probably because of the Vandal invasion of 414.
Here he began his Histories. Orosius was the author of the Historiarum adversus paganos libri septem (Seven Books of History Against the Pagans), the first world history by a Christian. Orosius began writing his history shortly after Rome was sacked by Alaric in 410. The work, completed in 418, shows signs of some haste. He attempted, like Augustine later did in his Civitas Dei, to counter the view that Rome had fallen because of the adoption of the Christian faith by the Emperor and the people. He used material taken from Livy, Caesar, Tacitus, Justin, and Eutropius (all of them pagans), besides Suetonius, Florus, Justin, the Holy Scripture and the chronicle of Eusebius revised by St. Jerome. Orosius shows that this anti-Christian opinion was groundless by giving examples of disasters that happened long before the rejection of paganism.
Although the work contains many errors, it is very useful for the period between 378 and 417. It was used extensively by both Gildas (De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae – ca.520-40) and Bede (Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum - ca. 735 AD). In the late 9th century (ca. 890-891).
"Orosius, Paulus" Encyclopædia Britannica Online
born probably Braga, Spain; fl. 414-417. A defender of early Christian orthodoxy, theologian, and author of the first world history by a Christian. As a priest Orosius went in about 414 to Hippo, where he met St. Augustine. In 415 Augustine sent him to Palestine, where he immediately opposed Pelagianism. At a synod summoned that July by Bishop John of Jerusalem, Orosius ineffectively accused Pelagius of heresy.
Early in 416 he returned to Augustine, who asked him to compose a historical apology of Christianity, Historiarum adversus paganos libri VII (Eng. trans. by I.W. Raymond, Seven Books of Histories Against the Pagans). This book chronicles the history of the world from its creation through the founding and history of Rome up until AD 417. In it Orosius describes the catastrophes that befell mankind before Christianity, arguing against the contention that the calamities of the late Roman Empire were caused by its Christian conversion. Orosius' book enjoyed great popularity in the early European Middle Ages, but only its narrative covering the years after AD 378 has any value to modern scholars.
Histories 5. 24. 1-8
5. And so, with the City terrified with almost no less fear than when Hannibal was raging at the gates, they became alarmed and sent Crassus with the legions of the consuls and a new complement of soldiers. 6. He presently, after entering battle with the fugitives, killed six thousand of them, but captured only nine hundred. Then, before he approached Spartacus himself in battle, who was laying out a camp at the head of the Silarus River, he overcame the Gallic and German auxiliaries of Spartacus, of whom he killed thirty thousand men with their leaders. 7. After he had organized his battle line, he met Spartacus himself and killed him with most of the forces of the fugitives. For sixty thousand of them are reported to have been killed and six thousand captured, and three thousand Roman citizens were recovered. 8. The remaining gladiators, who had slipped away from this battle and wandered off, were killed by many generals in persistent pursuit.
Orosius had also heard of the sacrifice of prisoners by the Cimbri, along
with the spoils taken from defeated foes:
"Following a strange and unusual vow, they began to destroy all that they had taken. Clothing was cut to pieces and thrown away. Gold and silver was thrown into the river, the breastplates of men were cut to pieces, horsegear smashed and the animals drowned in whirlpools. The men were hanged from trees with nooses round their necks."
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Ovid (P. Ovidius Naso) Art of Love, Remedy of Love, Art of Beauty, Court of Love, History of Love, Amours (ed. various): text Am., book 1, poem 14, line 54 [Ovid's Amours, Elegy XIV: He comforts his mistress for the loss of her hair by the means she took to beautify it. By an unknown hand.]
"Now with new arts thou shalt thy pride amuse, And curls, of German captives borrow'd, use."
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